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BURMA-缅甸风云
·缅甸军政府向掸族反对党派开刀
·缅甸将军们内讧实录
·钦族说: 骗子叫”缅军”,谎言叫”缅语"
·水深火热中的缅甸各族人民
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·缅甸军政府2004年11月“续清洗”
·缅甸2004年11月大换血后的新闻
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·安息吧,好朋友!好团长!
·将军们在老挝东盟会议大开支票
·要 Federal 缅甸联邦制,不要分裂!
·掸族民主联盟SDU的声明
·缅军迫停战军缴械
·Burma’s 'Exchange arms for peace'
·“仰光爆炸案”KNU声明
·KNU Statement on Bomb Attacks in Rangoon City
·仰光爆炸案面面观
·中缅边镇鸦片产区走透透
·缅甸停战组织被分而治之
·对掸邦民族军与南掸邦军合并之声明
·STATEMENT ON SHAN STATE NATIONAL ARMY AND SHAN STATE ARMY MERGER
·组建无缅族在内的联邦
·Forming the Union without the Myanmar /Burman
·缅甸内战剑拔弩张
·缅甸军政府滥用种族主义
·Junta Uses Racism as Weapon against All Oppositions
·Declaration of the Shan State National Army
·掸邦民族军 的2005年18号声明
·缅甸全国民主联盟NLD的声明
·NLD’s demands on 15th anniversary of election victory
·缅甸迪巴荫惨案二周年声明
·Statement on Second Anniversary of De-pe’-yin Massacre
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·对“建设性接触政策”盖棺论定
·The Last Nail in the Coffin of Constructive Engagement
·赛万赛谈缅甸现状
·Interview with Sai Wansai, General Secretary of SDU
·被世界遗弃的缅甸克伦尼族
·Karennis, the Forgotten People of the World
·缅甸流亡政府总理Dr.SEIN WIN的卫视讲话
·缅甸军政府成惊弓之鸟
·The Burmese Generals Are Wild Beasts!
·与掸邦独立领袖一席谈
·Talks With Hso Khan Pha Who Declared Shan Independence
·缅甸的第二次反法西斯斗争
·Burma Needs 2nd Anti-Fascist Movement
·Dr.Sein Win's Discourse on TV Conference
·缅甸群英会:盛温博士、萨尼博士、温教授
·RIPPLES Made by Premier Sein Win, Dr. Zarni & Prof. Win
·非正式国家人民代表组织”UNPO
·Unrepresentative Nations and Peoples Organization UNPO
·缅甸众邦众族六月份动态
·Activities of Ethnic Parties and People of BURMA in June
·UNPO 第七届代表大会
·UNPO VII Condemns Burma's Fascist Junta
·缅甸军政府的累累法西斯罪行
·The Fascist Crimes of Burma's Junta
·UNPO Resolution on EU’s Arms Embargo against China
·UNPO要求欧盟对华禁售武器
·缅甸流亡政府NCGUB 7月26日声明
·NCGUB Press Release on July 26,2005
·第七次非缅族社区发展会议的声明
·Statement of the 7th Ethnic Community Development Seminar
·克伦族联盟KNU的各族平等斗争
·KNU's Struggle for Democracy & Equality of ALL Nationalities
·可敬的柏林日本妇女小组
·Respectable Japanese Women Initiative Berlin
·About KNU’s Aims, Policy and Programme
·克伦族联盟KNU的目标、政策与纲领
·Appeal to UN Security Council
·呼吁联合国安理会保护缅甸人民
·悼念恩师林丽华
·缅甸事件已呈请联合国安理会干涉
·A CALL FOR UN SECURITY COUNCIL TO ACT IN BURMA
·缅甸华族致函中国驻联合国安理会常任代表团
·Burma's Chinese Appeal to PR China's Permanent Mission to UN Security
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·No More Peace for Burma's Peace Groups
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·Burma's Chinese Call England for the UN Security Council to Act in Burma
·SDU敦促安理会干涉威胁和平的缅甸
·SDU’ s STATEMENT On “Threat To The Peace: A Call For The UN Security Council To Act in Burma”
·安理会、军政府、民主力量、众民族力量、缅甸华族
·Burmese case at the UNSC: A Silver Lining
·来世不要这地狱!
·NEVER SUCH HELL IN NEXT LIFE!
·缅甸政党纷纷声援"报告书" (续)
·Endorsements from Burma's Democracy & Ethnic Forces (continue)
·欧盟的缅甸战略
·An EU strategy for Burma ?
·Annihilate Burma’s Poverty & Inequality
·消灭缅甸的贫穷与不平等
·美国国防专家看中缅关系
·Beckoning Burma
·缅甸搬迁军政总部与核能基地
·Burma Nuke Plant: Plains to Hills
·貌强:缅甸民主社团上书荷兰外交部
·貌强 :BDC-NL Appeals Dutch Government for Burma Issue
·寻找中国的同情与支持
·貌强: Seek China's Support
·缅甸国内外情势的阴阳转化
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The Fascist Crimes of Burma's Junta

(S.H.A.N. & Burma's News Published by Burma's Chinese 貌强 19-7-05 )

   Burma: displacement continues unabated in one of the world's worst IDP situations

   The internal displacement crisis in Burma affects mainly ethnic minority groups, and is particularly acute along the border with Thailand. The military regime's objective of increasing control over minority areas through a policy of forced assimilation and repression of autonomy movements has resulted in decades of conflict that has devastated the lives of hundreds of thousands of civilians. The largest concentration of internally displaced people (IDPs) is found among the Karen, Karenni, Shan and Mon ethnic groups in Eastern Burma. As of October 2004, at least 526,000 people were internally displaced in the east of the country, either in hiding or in relocation sites, as a result of widespread human rights abuses committed by the Burmese army and its allies, and – to a lesser extent – insurgent groups. Thousands of Karen and Shan people have also been displaced due to army operations since November 2004. Elsewhere in Burma, displacement has affected large numbers of civilians, but no firm estimate exists on the extent of the problem. In western Burma, the Muslim Rohingya people and other minority groups along the borders with Bangladesh and India continue to suffer harsh discrimination and forced relocation. In addition, hundreds of thousands more have been displaced in schemes to resettle the urban poor and the building of large-scale infrastructure projects.

   Despite an impressive variety of local initiatives to provide assistance to the internally displaced, it is well documented that IDPs in Burma face severe food shortages and lack of basic medical facilities. Exposed to ongoing state-sponsored violence and systematic human rights abuses, they lack protection by both the government and the international humanitarian community which is denied access. It is crucial that international actors, in collaboration with local groups, develop a common policy vis-à-vis the government to improve protection and assistance to the internally displaced.

   Background: military regime tightens grip on ethnic minorities

   Following independence in 1948, Burma was plunged into a civil war between the central government and various armed opposition groups. The most protracted armed conflict has been between the Burman controlled state and ethnic non-Burman nationalities demanding increased political autonomy from the cen-tre. The military regime in Burma, presently known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), seized power in 1988, renaming the country Myanmar the following year. In 1990, the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, won an overwhelming majority in multi-party elections. She was prevented from taking power by the military and has spent most of the years since the elections under house arrest. The military regime has since stayed in control by crushing any sign of political opposition. Repression has been particularly harsh in areas populated by the Karen, Karenni, Shan and Mon ethnic groups. The Burmese army has been deployed throughout the ethnic minority-populated states to fight against insurgency groups.

   Since 1989, 17 informal ceasefires have been agreed between the regime and ethnic minority armies, but the eastern border with Thailand remains a conflict zone. This is complicated in some areas by a drugs war involving the Burmese army and rival armed groups. The three main insurgent groups in control of pockets of territory within the border states are the Karen National Liberation Army (armed wing of the Karen National Union - KNU), the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), and the Shan State Army (South) (SSA-S). In January 2004 the KNU held peace talks in the capital Rangoon that resulted in an informal ceasefire. However, skirmishes and human rights violations by the Burmese army have continued to displace people and prospects for a formal peace agreement look bleak.

   A violent attack on Aung San Suu Kyi's motorcade on 30 May 2003 that killed several NLD officials led to strong international condemnations. Soon after the attack, the government launched a "roadmap” for political and constitutional reform in August 2003, including plans for the resumption of the National Convention in order to draft a new Constitution. However, when the Convention met in May 2004, most political parties, including the National League for Democracy (NLD), remained excluded, and the process has been widely seen as illegitimate both nationally and abroad (ALTSEAN, 16 February 2005; UN CHR, 7 March 2005). Twenty-eight insurgent groups having signed a ceasfire with the government participated in the Convention, 13 of which raised issues about greater local autonomy. This issue has since been excluded from the National Convention agenda by the SPDC.

   On 19 October 2004, internal divisions within the SPDC culminated in the arrest of the initiator of the roadmap: Prime Minister and Intelligence Chief Khin Nyunt. While Khin Nyunt had been closely associated with the ceasefire deals signed with a number of ethnic groups, his successor, Lt-General Soe Win, is widely seen as to have consolidated the hard-line fraction of the SPDC (Asia Times, 24 March 2005). While the regime has insisted that the roadmap should move forward, the SPDC has since November 2004 increased its pressure on ceasefire groups to surrender their weapons and launched military offensives in the Karen and Karenni states in an effort to increase further its control over ethnic groups. A 17-year old ceasefire with the Shan State National Army (SSNA) has reportedly ended and military action has again displaced thousands of people in Shan state (HRW, June 2005, p.20).

   Number of internally displaced

   Estimates of the numbers of internally displaced in Burma vary. According to the most reliable survey which was published in October 2004 by the Thailand Burma Border Consortium, at least 526,000 people were displaced at that time in the eastern border areas of Myanmar, namely in the Tenasserim and eastern Pegu divisions and the Mon, Karen, Karenni and southern Shan states. The report says that 365,000 people are in temporary settlements in ceasefire areas controlled by ethnic minority groups, while 84,000 civilians remain in hiding in the forests and mountains of eastern Burma, and another 77,000 are in relocation sites after having been forcibly evicted from their homes (TBBC, October 2004, p.2). In 2002, it was estimated that approximately 2,500 villages had been destroyed, relocated, or otherwise abandoned in eastern Burma. During the past two years the pattern has continued, with at least 240 villages emptied (BBC, September 2002; TBBC, October 2004, p.16). Other huma n rights groups estimate that 650,000 are still internally displaced in the border areas and that at least one million are internally displaced countrywide (HRW, June 2005).

   Main causes of displacement

   In most parts of Burma, the primary agent of displacement is the Burmese army (the Tatmadaw). However, non-state armed groups have also been responsible for forced displacement. The most prominent example in recent years has been the United Wa State Army (UWSA) rebel group. Between 1999 and 2002, at least 125,000 Wa and other villagers were relocated from northern Shan State to the UWSA's Southern Command area, opposite Thailand's Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces. This movement of Wa people in turn led to the forced displacement of those originally living in the resettlement areas, mostly groups of Shan and Lahu people (LNDO, April 2002).

   Although it is difficult to obtain precise and up-to-date information from conflict-affected areas as humanitarian access is denied by the government, there are regular reports of torture, arbitrary executions, sexual violence, indiscriminate use of landmines, and forced recruitment by both government troops and armed rebel groups (UN CHR, 2 December 2004). Peoples' livelihoods are further undermined by the systematic use of forced labour, restricted access of farmers to their land and the systematic confiscation of land and property. The widespread use of forced labour by the Burmese army has resulted in many civilians being unable to earn their living as farmers or labourers, and thus being forced to flee. Forced labour is also a major protection issue for people after they become displaced. Since 1998, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) has continuously documented how forced labour is directly linked to military operations, including the forced recruitment of p orters and their use as human mine sweepers.

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