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·四,二十一世纪的全球同一性
·五,跨国文明的统一网络已经成型
·无业者创造的历史
·无业者有哲学吗?
·假晶现象
·教族:种姓制度还是礼制?
·有关全球化的几种理论
·族裔特性是全球化的钉子户
·“教族”与社会的分合
·“教派”可以刺激民族活力
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·世界军阀轮流坐庄
·军阀、革命者、国王
·时代、社会、文化、军阀
·一切权力归统帅部
·论宽容精神的全球含义
·罗马史的例证
·多难兴邦
·人民运动
·宗教的声音
·宗教的精神
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·宗教是伟大的哀哭
·虚无主义与宗教
·神秘朦胧的光辉
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·历史上的各类宗教之作为战略
·巴比伦的宗教之作为战略
·埃及的宗教之作为战略
·印度东方的宗教之作为战略
·欧洲的宗教之作为战略
·欧洲的宗教之作为战略
·伊斯兰的宗教之作为战略
·《达·芬奇密码》面面观
·战略是“生命的适应能力”
·哲学王者/天人三策
·过河拆桥的哲学
·真理就是生命与道路
·哲学之轮
·胜利者
·领袖是无法培养的
·胜利的天才无中生有
·少数人创造的历史
·苦难是少数派战士的伴侣
·悲剧的主轴推动历史
·胜利者的书如何写就
·现代文明的整合者
·秘而不宣的“第三十七计”
·整合者的四个面相
·天子的义务与权力
·整合就是未来世界的方向
·人是不可两全的怪物
·心性修炼的至境
·大改组
·二,无产者、种姓、教族、教会
·民族整合的文明历史经验
·走向全球政府的几步震荡
·礼的精神
·二十世纪是礼崩乐坏的谷底
·圣人是礼的人格化
·“礼乐征伐自天子出”
·“礼表法里”的两道分离
·秩序与理性互为表里
·礼与控制论
·黄金时代
·礼的形式
·中国礼制的起点
·中国礼制的特点
·印度礼制的特点
·礼制是权力中枢的辐射
·礼制不同造成征服的效果
·刑不上大夫、礼不下庶人
·礼制不同于极权主义
·新文化战
·文化战的最古范本和最新动向
·文化战与军事战的区别
·天下文明超越国际主义
·防止大规模侵战的锁钥
·整合的杠杆是异源的文明
·文明的圈回之“圆”
·摆脱血气,获得文明
·文化战的战略
·战略的失败与成功
·中国文明的战略观念
·新文化战的战略观念
·破坏现存的平衡结构
·中国政略的集成(《书经》)
·“王略”论
·文化战可以借鉴的战略
·文化战可以借鉴的战术
·王道与霸道
·王道与霸道的第一层涵义
·求义与求利是不同的轨道
·怎样克服国际无政府状态
·新的政治原则已经出现
·王道的代言人
· 间接统治
·王霸战略的光谱层次
·国家制度与间接统治
·间接统治的全球政府
·全球政府要奉行王道
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共产党会归还香港的四千亿美元吗

谢选骏:共产党会归还香港的四千亿美元吗
   
   《林郑24分钟录音全文曝光 指暴力份子有2000人》(香港01 2019-09-03)报道:
   
   《路透社》昨晚(9月2日)公开行政长官林郑月娥上周与商界会面的录音部份内容,透露如果可以的话,她会选择辞职(would quit if she had a choice),成为社会焦点。林郑今早记者会表示,她并无向中央提出辞职,又指私人场合对话被公开并不适当。

   
   《路透社》报道指录音共有24分钟,昨日报道的是一部份重点,今日原文逐字刊登,但不包括林郑发言后的问答环节,并隐去与会者名字。
   
   在《路透社》的录音全文中,林郑月娥向在座者表示,提出修订逃犯条例例并非中央政府强制指示,而是她和她的同事试图修补香港法律漏洞,但香港人对中国内地有巨大的恐惧和焦虑,这种恐惧和焦虑被夸大和扭曲,而政府对此并不敏感。
   
   林郑又透露,评估示威者中大约有一、两千名属激进暴力份子,这或是无政府主义冒起的症状。
   
   《路透社》刊载的1627字英文原文及记者中绎本如下:
   
   In the last two years, one of the policy areas that I have spent most time in is innovation and technology. Now, I actually personally chair the steering committee.
   
   在过去两年中,我花费最多时间的政策领域之一是创新和技术。 现在,我实际上亲自担任指导委员会的主席。
   
   一切行踪上社交媒体和连登 令她无法出街
   
   In less than three months' time, Hong Kong has been turned upside down, and my life has been turned upside down. But this is not the moment for self-pitifulness, although [name redacted] nowadays it's extremely difficult for me to go out. I have not been on the streets, not in the shopping malls, can't go to a hair salon, can't do anything because my whereabouts will be spread around the social media, the Telegram, the LIHKG, and you could expect a big crowd of black T-shirts and black-masked young people waiting for me.
   
   在不到3个月的时间裡,香港已被颠倒过来,我的生活也被颠倒过来。 但这不是自我可怜的时刻,虽然现在我出去是非常困难的。我不能逛街,不能逛商场,不能去理髮店,不能做任何事情,因为我的行踪将传播到社交媒体、Telegram和连登,你可以期待一大群穿着黑色T恤和黑色口罩的年轻人在等我。
   
   I'm still brave enough to go and this afternoon, I'm still planning to go if my security guards tell me later on that I can still go. But it's really, I don't want to cause disruption, inconvenience to the organizers. But as I said, this is not the time for me to self-pity myself. This is a time I come here, and I do other closed-door sessions from time to time with people from all walks of life, and the two things I said is, it's not about self-pityness, it's about making a plea for forgiveness and then appeal for love.
   
   我仍然很勇敢去(活动),今天下午,如果我的保安人员告诉我仍然可以出去,我仍然打算出去。 但实际上,我不想对活动组织者造成干扰和不便。但正如我所说,现在不是我自怜的时候。这次我来这裡,而我不时会与各界进行闭门会议,说的是两件事,不是要自怜,而是请求宽恕和发出爱的呼吁。
   
   作为行政长官造成巨大破坏 不能原谅
   
   I don’t want to spend your time, or waste your time, for you to ask me what went wrong, and why it went wrong. But for a chief executive to have caused this huge havoc to Hong Kong is unforgivable. It’s just unforgivable. If I have a choice, the first thing is to quit, having made a deep apology, is to step down. So I make a plea to you for your forgiveness.
   
   我不想花你太多时间,也不想浪费你的时间,让你问我出了甚麽问题,以及为甚麽会出错。作为一名行政长官来说,造成对香港的巨大破坏是不可原谅的。这是不可原谅的。如果我有选择,第一件事就是离开,并深深道歉,以及下台。 所以我请求你们原谅。
   
   
   
   据《路透社》逐字稿,林郑月娥在会上表示,作为一位行政长官,对香港造成了这样区大破坏,是不可原谅的。(资料图片)
   
   称修例非中央指示 对香港人抗拒情绪不敏感
   
   This is something that no matter how well intended, I just want to put this message across. This is not something malicious. This is not something instructed, coerced by the central government. This is out of a good intention, myself and some of my key colleagues to try to plug legal loopholes in Hong Kong’s system, very much prompted by our compassion for a single case, and this has proven to be very unwise given the circumstances. And this huge degree of fear and anxiety amongst people of Hong Kong vis-a-vis the mainland of China, which we were not sensitive enough to feel and grasp. And, of course, it has been exaggerated and misrepresented through very effective propaganda, if I may say so.
   
   无论怎样,我都希望将这个信息传达出去。修例不是恶意的。这不是由中央政府强制指示的。我和我的一些主要同事试图填补香港系统的法律漏洞,这是出于好意,很大程度上是因为我们对单一案件的同情,但情况证明这是非常不明智的。香港人对中国内地的这种巨大程度的恐惧和焦虑,我们对此并不敏感。 当然,如果要我说的话,这种恐惧和焦虑通过非常有效的宣传被夸大和歪曲。
   
   没有现成的解决事件之案 因事情变化太快
   
   Now I want to make an appeal for love. It’s not to pity me, or to sympathize with me, but love for Hong Kong.
   
   Then the question we need to ask, each one of us, is how to fix it, how to fix it? I have to say that I have no sort of ready solutions, because the scene changes so quickly.
   
   现在我想请求大家的爱。 这不是怜悯我,也不是要同情我,而是要爱香港。
   
   那麽我们每个人都需要问的问题是如何修复它。如何修复它? 我不得不说我没有现成的解决方案,因为情况变化如此之快。
   
   
   
   根据《路透社》的逐字稿,林郑月娥表示没有已准备好的解决方案,因为事情变化得如此快。(资料图片)
   
   若升到国家层面 政治解决空间非常有限
   
   But, of course, I’m sure in your hearts you will feel, and I’m sure a large number of people feel that I do have a solution, that is a political one. But I have to tell you that this is where the crux of the matter lies. Once an issue has been elevated to the situation [name redacted], to a national level, to a sort of sovereignty and security level, let alone in the midst of this sort of unprecedented tension between the two big economies in the world. The room, the political room for the chief executive who, unfortunately, has to serve two masters by constitution, that is the central people’s government and the people of Hong Kong, that political room for maneuvering is very, very, very limited.
   
   但是,当然,我相信你会感受到,并且我相信很多人都觉得我确实有一个解决方案,那就是政治解决方案。 但我必须告诉你,这就是问题的关键所在。一旦一个问题被提升到国家层面,去到主权和安全水平,更不用说在世界两大经济体之间这种前所未有的紧张局势中。这个空间,行政长官的政治空间,不幸的是,行政长官必须透过宪法为两位主人提供服务,即中央人民政府和香港人民,因此政治上的操纵空间非常非常有限。
   
   减轻警员压力、平息愤怒示威者的政治空间有限
   
   Because we were not trained to have that sort of national perspectives, and I could only keep on putting in what I feel is the Hong Kong situation and the Hong Kong sentiments. But whether those Hong Kong sentiments could override the national perspective and the national sentiments? I’m sure you know that now 1.4 billion mainland people already have formed a view about what is happening in Hong Kong.
   
   So, without going into a lot more details, I can only share with you discreetly that the room for me to offer a political situation in order to relieve the tension, nor to reduce the pressure on my frontline police officers in order to at least respond, or pacify the large number of peaceful protesters who are so angry with the government, with me in particular, of absolutely dead silence despite repeated participation in the protests, is what causes me the biggest sadness.
   
   因为我们没有受过那种国家观点的培训,所以我只能继续着力于香港的情况。但这些香港情况是否会超越国家观点和民族情绪?我相信你知道,现在有14亿内地人已经对香港正在发生的事情形成了看法。因此,我不再详细讲落去,我只能谨慎地与你们分享,我可以提供政治解决方案以缓解紧张局势,减轻我前线警察的压力,以及安抚那些对政府特别是多次游行与都沉默的我,有如此愤怒的大批和平抗议者,我这些可操作的政治空间,让我感到最大的悲伤。
   
   So without that, what other means we have is Hong Kong’s core value, that is the rule of law. The rule of law takes several forms, of course law enforcement, our police officers who have been suffering tremendously this time, especially on an occasion when they are supposed to celebrate 175 years of police establishment, and especially at a time when they were so proud of the crime figures which are still coming down. In fact, the first half year we still saw a drop of four percent of total crimes in Hong Kong, and that was the best seen in Hong Kong since 1972. And also they have commissioned a survey to commemorate this occasion done not by a pro-establishment group but by [name redacted], which indicated that confidence in the police after Occupy Central has rebounced to a historic high. That was the sort of background to how much the police have suffered.

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