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谢选骏文集
·推敲论语(论语升级版)
·《论语升级版》第一章學而
·《论语本文升级版》第二章為政
·《论语本文升级版》第三章八佾
·《论语本文升级版》第四章里仁
·《论语本文升级版》第五章公冶長
·《论语本文升级版》第六章雍也
·《论语本文升级版》第七章述而
·《论语本文升级版》第八章泰伯
·《论语本文升级版》第九章子罕
·《论语本文升级版》第十章鄉黨
·《论语本文升级版》第十一章先進
·《论语本文升级版》第十二章颜渊
·《论语本文升级版》第十二章颜渊
·《论语本文升级版》第十三章子路
·《论语本文升级版》第十四章憲問
·《论语本文升级版》第十五章衛旃
·《论语本文升级版》第十六章季氏
·《论语本文升级版》第十七章陽貨
·《论语本文升级版》第十八章微子
·《论语本文升级版》第十九章子張
·《论语本文升级版》之结束语
·《道德经升级版》第一章
·《道德经升级版》第二章
·从思想主权升级《老子道德经》
·《道德经升级版》第三章
·《老子道德经升级版》
·《道德经升级版》第四章
·《道德经升级版》第五章
·《道德经升级版》第六章
·《道德经升级版》第七章
·《道德经升级版》第八章
·《道德经升级版》第九章
·《道德经升级版》第十章
·《道德经升级版》第十一章
·《道德经升级版》第十二章
·《道德经升级版》第十三章
·《道德经升级版》第十四章
·《道德经升级版》第十五章
·《道德经升级版》第十六章
·《道德经升级版》第十七章
·《道德经升级版》第十八章
·《道德经升级版》第十九章
·《道德经升级版》第二十章
·《道德经升级版》第二十一章
·《道德经升级版》第二十二章
·《道德经升级版》第二十三章
·《道德经升级版》第二十四章
·《道德经升级版》第二十五章
·《道德经升级版》第二十六章
·《道德经升级版》第二十七章
·《道德经升级版》第二十八章
·《道德经升级版》第二十九章
·《道德经升级版》第三十章
·《道德经升级版》第三十一章
·《道德经升级版》第三十二章
·《道德经升级版》第三十三章
·《道德经升级版》第三十四章
·《道德经升级版》第三十五章
·《道德经升级版》第三十六章
·《道德经升级版》第三十七章
·《道德经升级版》第三十八章
·《道德经升级版》第三十九章
·《道德经升级版》第四十章
·《道德经升级版》第四十一章
·《道德经升级版》第四十二章
·《道德经升级版》第四十三章
·《道德经升级版》第四十四章
·《道德经升级版》第四十五章
·《道德经升级版》第四十六章
·《道德经升级版》第四十七章
·《道德经升级版》第四十八章
·《道德经升级版》第四十九章
·《道德经升级版》第五十章
·《道德经升级版》第五十一章
·《道德经升级版》第五十二章
·《道德经升级版》第五十三章
·《道德经升级版》第第五十四章
·《道德经升级版》第五十五章
·《道德经升级版》第五十六章
·《道德经升级版》第五十七章
·《道德经升级版》第五十八章
·《道德经升级版》第五十九章
·《道德经升级版》第六十章
·《道德经升级版》第六十一章
·《道德经升级版》第六十二章
·《道德经升级版》第六十三章
·《道德经升级版》第六十四章
·《道德经升级版》第六十五章
·《道德经升级版》第六十六章
·《道德经升级版》第六十七章
·《道德经升级版》第六十八章
·《道德经升级版》第六十九章
·《道德经升级版》第七十章
·《道德经升级版》第七十一章
·《道德经升级版》第七十二章
·《道德经升级版》第七十三章
·王毅外长真的不懂中国现实?
·《道德经升级版》第七十四章
·《道德经升级版》第七十四章
·《道德经升级版》第七十五章
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共产党会归还香港的四千亿美元吗

谢选骏:共产党会归还香港的四千亿美元吗
   
   《林郑24分钟录音全文曝光 指暴力份子有2000人》(香港01 2019-09-03)报道:
   
   《路透社》昨晚(9月2日)公开行政长官林郑月娥上周与商界会面的录音部份内容,透露如果可以的话,她会选择辞职(would quit if she had a choice),成为社会焦点。林郑今早记者会表示,她并无向中央提出辞职,又指私人场合对话被公开并不适当。

   
   《路透社》报道指录音共有24分钟,昨日报道的是一部份重点,今日原文逐字刊登,但不包括林郑发言后的问答环节,并隐去与会者名字。
   
   在《路透社》的录音全文中,林郑月娥向在座者表示,提出修订逃犯条例例并非中央政府强制指示,而是她和她的同事试图修补香港法律漏洞,但香港人对中国内地有巨大的恐惧和焦虑,这种恐惧和焦虑被夸大和扭曲,而政府对此并不敏感。
   
   林郑又透露,评估示威者中大约有一、两千名属激进暴力份子,这或是无政府主义冒起的症状。
   
   《路透社》刊载的1627字英文原文及记者中绎本如下:
   
   In the last two years, one of the policy areas that I have spent most time in is innovation and technology. Now, I actually personally chair the steering committee.
   
   在过去两年中,我花费最多时间的政策领域之一是创新和技术。 现在,我实际上亲自担任指导委员会的主席。
   
   一切行踪上社交媒体和连登 令她无法出街
   
   In less than three months' time, Hong Kong has been turned upside down, and my life has been turned upside down. But this is not the moment for self-pitifulness, although [name redacted] nowadays it's extremely difficult for me to go out. I have not been on the streets, not in the shopping malls, can't go to a hair salon, can't do anything because my whereabouts will be spread around the social media, the Telegram, the LIHKG, and you could expect a big crowd of black T-shirts and black-masked young people waiting for me.
   
   在不到3个月的时间裡,香港已被颠倒过来,我的生活也被颠倒过来。 但这不是自我可怜的时刻,虽然现在我出去是非常困难的。我不能逛街,不能逛商场,不能去理髮店,不能做任何事情,因为我的行踪将传播到社交媒体、Telegram和连登,你可以期待一大群穿着黑色T恤和黑色口罩的年轻人在等我。
   
   I'm still brave enough to go and this afternoon, I'm still planning to go if my security guards tell me later on that I can still go. But it's really, I don't want to cause disruption, inconvenience to the organizers. But as I said, this is not the time for me to self-pity myself. This is a time I come here, and I do other closed-door sessions from time to time with people from all walks of life, and the two things I said is, it's not about self-pityness, it's about making a plea for forgiveness and then appeal for love.
   
   我仍然很勇敢去(活动),今天下午,如果我的保安人员告诉我仍然可以出去,我仍然打算出去。 但实际上,我不想对活动组织者造成干扰和不便。但正如我所说,现在不是我自怜的时候。这次我来这裡,而我不时会与各界进行闭门会议,说的是两件事,不是要自怜,而是请求宽恕和发出爱的呼吁。
   
   作为行政长官造成巨大破坏 不能原谅
   
   I don’t want to spend your time, or waste your time, for you to ask me what went wrong, and why it went wrong. But for a chief executive to have caused this huge havoc to Hong Kong is unforgivable. It’s just unforgivable. If I have a choice, the first thing is to quit, having made a deep apology, is to step down. So I make a plea to you for your forgiveness.
   
   我不想花你太多时间,也不想浪费你的时间,让你问我出了甚麽问题,以及为甚麽会出错。作为一名行政长官来说,造成对香港的巨大破坏是不可原谅的。这是不可原谅的。如果我有选择,第一件事就是离开,并深深道歉,以及下台。 所以我请求你们原谅。
   
   
   
   据《路透社》逐字稿,林郑月娥在会上表示,作为一位行政长官,对香港造成了这样区大破坏,是不可原谅的。(资料图片)
   
   称修例非中央指示 对香港人抗拒情绪不敏感
   
   This is something that no matter how well intended, I just want to put this message across. This is not something malicious. This is not something instructed, coerced by the central government. This is out of a good intention, myself and some of my key colleagues to try to plug legal loopholes in Hong Kong’s system, very much prompted by our compassion for a single case, and this has proven to be very unwise given the circumstances. And this huge degree of fear and anxiety amongst people of Hong Kong vis-a-vis the mainland of China, which we were not sensitive enough to feel and grasp. And, of course, it has been exaggerated and misrepresented through very effective propaganda, if I may say so.
   
   无论怎样,我都希望将这个信息传达出去。修例不是恶意的。这不是由中央政府强制指示的。我和我的一些主要同事试图填补香港系统的法律漏洞,这是出于好意,很大程度上是因为我们对单一案件的同情,但情况证明这是非常不明智的。香港人对中国内地的这种巨大程度的恐惧和焦虑,我们对此并不敏感。 当然,如果要我说的话,这种恐惧和焦虑通过非常有效的宣传被夸大和歪曲。
   
   没有现成的解决事件之案 因事情变化太快
   
   Now I want to make an appeal for love. It’s not to pity me, or to sympathize with me, but love for Hong Kong.
   
   Then the question we need to ask, each one of us, is how to fix it, how to fix it? I have to say that I have no sort of ready solutions, because the scene changes so quickly.
   
   现在我想请求大家的爱。 这不是怜悯我,也不是要同情我,而是要爱香港。
   
   那麽我们每个人都需要问的问题是如何修复它。如何修复它? 我不得不说我没有现成的解决方案,因为情况变化如此之快。
   
   
   
   根据《路透社》的逐字稿,林郑月娥表示没有已准备好的解决方案,因为事情变化得如此快。(资料图片)
   
   若升到国家层面 政治解决空间非常有限
   
   But, of course, I’m sure in your hearts you will feel, and I’m sure a large number of people feel that I do have a solution, that is a political one. But I have to tell you that this is where the crux of the matter lies. Once an issue has been elevated to the situation [name redacted], to a national level, to a sort of sovereignty and security level, let alone in the midst of this sort of unprecedented tension between the two big economies in the world. The room, the political room for the chief executive who, unfortunately, has to serve two masters by constitution, that is the central people’s government and the people of Hong Kong, that political room for maneuvering is very, very, very limited.
   
   但是,当然,我相信你会感受到,并且我相信很多人都觉得我确实有一个解决方案,那就是政治解决方案。 但我必须告诉你,这就是问题的关键所在。一旦一个问题被提升到国家层面,去到主权和安全水平,更不用说在世界两大经济体之间这种前所未有的紧张局势中。这个空间,行政长官的政治空间,不幸的是,行政长官必须透过宪法为两位主人提供服务,即中央人民政府和香港人民,因此政治上的操纵空间非常非常有限。
   
   减轻警员压力、平息愤怒示威者的政治空间有限
   
   Because we were not trained to have that sort of national perspectives, and I could only keep on putting in what I feel is the Hong Kong situation and the Hong Kong sentiments. But whether those Hong Kong sentiments could override the national perspective and the national sentiments? I’m sure you know that now 1.4 billion mainland people already have formed a view about what is happening in Hong Kong.
   
   So, without going into a lot more details, I can only share with you discreetly that the room for me to offer a political situation in order to relieve the tension, nor to reduce the pressure on my frontline police officers in order to at least respond, or pacify the large number of peaceful protesters who are so angry with the government, with me in particular, of absolutely dead silence despite repeated participation in the protests, is what causes me the biggest sadness.
   
   因为我们没有受过那种国家观点的培训,所以我只能继续着力于香港的情况。但这些香港情况是否会超越国家观点和民族情绪?我相信你知道,现在有14亿内地人已经对香港正在发生的事情形成了看法。因此,我不再详细讲落去,我只能谨慎地与你们分享,我可以提供政治解决方案以缓解紧张局势,减轻我前线警察的压力,以及安抚那些对政府特别是多次游行与都沉默的我,有如此愤怒的大批和平抗议者,我这些可操作的政治空间,让我感到最大的悲伤。
   
   So without that, what other means we have is Hong Kong’s core value, that is the rule of law. The rule of law takes several forms, of course law enforcement, our police officers who have been suffering tremendously this time, especially on an occasion when they are supposed to celebrate 175 years of police establishment, and especially at a time when they were so proud of the crime figures which are still coming down. In fact, the first half year we still saw a drop of four percent of total crimes in Hong Kong, and that was the best seen in Hong Kong since 1972. And also they have commissioned a survey to commemorate this occasion done not by a pro-establishment group but by [name redacted], which indicated that confidence in the police after Occupy Central has rebounced to a historic high. That was the sort of background to how much the police have suffered.

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