滕彪文集
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滕彪文集
·蒙河边的抗争—临沂计划生育调查手记之一
·“我家亲戚被抓了22口”—临沂计划生育调查手记之二
·她的眼里没有泪水—临沂计划生育调查手记之三
·到办公室上课去!—临沂计划生育调查手记之四
·不扎也得扎!—临沂计划生育调查手记之五
·学习班—临沂计划生育调查手记之六
·向人性宣战—临沂计划生育调查手记之七
·“盯关跟主义”—临沂计划生育调查手记之八
·人性不曾屈服—临沂计划生育调查手记之九
·野蛮是如何炼成的?—临沂计划生育调查手记之十
·后记:
·有谁战胜过真相
·法治中国需要中国法律人的良知及责任—致世界法律大会中国代表的公开信
·从上书到公开信
·是谁在“严重威胁社会秩序”?—关于游行示威权利的行政复议申请书
·致陈光诚的一封信
·用微笑来面对那些制造恐惧的人——和高智晟在一起的一个下午
·2+2=4的自由
·推倒「新闻柏林围墙」——透视中国新闻自由的前景
·恢复收容遣送制度等于开历史倒车
·陈光诚案凸显中国法治的困局
·暗夜里的光明之舞
·中国维权运动往何处去?
·陈光诚是如何被定罪的?(补充版)
·Crusader in a legal wilderness
·China’s blind Justice
·China's Political Courts
·以公民的姿态挺身而出/闵家桥
·“最可贵的是她有健康的公民意识”——关于公民王淑荣的对话
·“阳光宪政”的护卫者/民主与法制杂志
·要让好人走到一起,才能合力纠错——奥美定事件亲历者访谈录/南方周末
·李卫平: 被迫走出书斋的维权者——著名维权律师滕彪访谈录
·太阳城:写在第三期“名家说法”被命令取消之后
·滕彪印象/法制日报
·Rule of Law requires our consciousness and responsibility
·临沂野蛮计生与陈光诚事件维权大事记(2006-11-7)
·耻为盛世添顺骨
·中国时报专访:盼与政府互动 和平维权
·滕彪博士:精神家园的守望者/刘爽
·司法改良和公民维权——学而思沙龙的网谈
·学术、政治与生活——2006年12月17日做客沧海论坛在线交流记录
·黎明前的见证
·看看我们的朋友——致受难中的高智晟和他的妻子和孩子
·临沂警匪暴行录
·临沂野蛮计生事件及陈光诚案维权大事记(五——七)
·中国当代宪政主义者的困境和选择/林泽波
·通过汉语改变中国
·茶人滕彪/萧瀚
·崔英杰案:“慎杀时代”的第一个考验
·死刑、司法与中国人权
·废除死刑的中国语境——在第三届世界反死刑大会上的发言
·司法独立,和谐中国——2007年“两会”之际的公民呼吁/许志永 滕彪
·彻底改革司法才能避免滥用死刑
·崔英杰案,在多重反思中寻找契机
·从“两会”看赎回选票运动
·关于尽快将青岛市四方区政府违法拆迁行为纳入法制轨道的法律意见书
·青岛野蛮拆迁:袁薪玉被控放火和妨害公务案一审的当庭辩护意见
·维权书简·戴脚镣的舞者
·被遗忘的谎言——就《成都晚报》事件致中宣部长和教育部长的一封信
·滕彪:可怕的“冤案递增律”
·不是我不明白
·张敏:滕彪律师访美谈中国司法现状与维权
·萧洵:纸包子案记者被判刑引发强烈质疑
·自由亚洲电台:拾荒者遇上联防离奇死亡 孙志刚式悲剧首都重现?
·何亚福 王鑫海 杨支柱等:放开二胎倡议书
·临沂野蛮计生事件及陈光诚案维权大事记(八--九)
·一个案件的真相与两个案件的正义(附:“聂树斌案”到了最危急时刻!)
·滕彪、胡佳:奥运前的中国真相
·郑筱萸案扇了死刑复核程序一记耳光/滕彪 李方平
·“杀害自己孩子的民族没有未来!”
·关于李和平律师被绑架殴打致国务院、最高人民检察院、公安部、国家安全部的公开信(签名中)
·NO FIGHTS,NO RIGHTS——接受博闻社采访谈中国人权现状
·挽包遵信先生
·香港电台铿锵集:扣着脚镣跳舞的中国律师
·那些陌生的人们在我们心底哭泣——推荐一个短片
·关于邮箱被盗用的声明
·《律师法》37条:为律师准备的新陷阱
·保护维权律师,实现法治——采访法学博士滕彪律师/张程
·Six Attorneys Openly Defend Falun Gong in Chinese Court
·李和平 滕彪等:为法轮功学员辩护-宪法至上 信仰自由
·面对暴力的思考与记忆——致李和平
·专访滕彪律师:《律师法》2007修订与维权/RFA张敏
·The Real China before the Olympics/Teng Biao,Hu jia
·我们不能坐等美好的社会到来
·律师:维权人士胡佳将受到起诉
·胡佳被捕 顯示中國要在奧運之前大清場
·人权的价值与正义的利益
·抓捕胡佳意味着什么?
·关于《奥运前的中国真相》一文的说明——声援胡佳之一
·邮箱作废声明
·关于审查和改变《互联网视听节目服务管理规定》部分不适当条款的建议
·胡佳的大爱与大勇
·后极权时代的公民美德与公民责任
·狱中致爱人
·奥运和乞丐不能并存?
·滕彪李苏滨关于青岛于建利涉嫌诽谤罪案的辩护意见
·纽约时报社评:中国的爱国小将们
·回网友四书
·我们都来关注滕彪博士/王天成
·暴力带不来和平,恐怖建不成和谐——就滕彪、李和平事件感言/王德邦
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Disappearing in China

   Disappearing in China
   
   Teng Biao
   
   When hundreds of thousands of Falun Gong practitioners were systematically persecuted – put into labour camps, disappeared, tortured - in China, most people chose to be silent. But not lawyer Gao Zhisheng. He ventured all over China to interview practitioners and to defend their rights.


   
   Starting in 2004, Guo wrote multiple open letters to Chinese leaders, challenging the crackdown on Falun Gong. He won widespread respect for his bravery and his compassion towards people. Besides numerous human rights accolades, he was also nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize multiple times. In August 2006, Gao Zhisheng was kidnapped for the first time:
   
   I was walking down the street one day and when I turned a corner, about six or seven strangers started walking towards me. I suddenly felt a strong blow to the back of my neck and fell face down on the ground. Someone yanked my hair and a black hood was immediately pulled over my head.
   
   Four men with electric shock prods began beating my head and all over my body. Nothing but the noise of the beating and my anxious breathing could be heard. I was writhing on the ground in pain, trying to crawl away. [One of them] then shocked me in my genitals. My begging them to stop only led to laughing and more unbelievable torture in return.
   
   After that, he was disappeared and brutally, repeatedly tortured.
   
   In the 13 years after that kidnapping, Gao has never experienced a day of freedom – he has been either missing, locked up or under house arrest. When Gao was finally seen in public again, he looked old and frail. Most of his teeth were missing. But he refused to surrender, continuing to believe in the power of human rights and justice. Gao Zhisheng is not simply one of the bravest lawyers in China, he is the bravest one.
   
   In August 2017, Gao went missing again and has not been heard from since.
   
   Enforced disappearances go unchecked in China. The Panchen Lama – who is the second highest spiritual leader for Tibetan Buddhists – was taken by Chinese authorities as a six-year-old child in 1995. To this day, he has not been seen again, likely the world’s youngest victim of enforced disappearance. After unrest in Xinjiang in July 2009, large numbers of Uyghurs simply evaporated into thin air.
   
   The Chinese Communist Party has not hesitated to disappear people outside China’s borders, nor to target non-Chinese citizens. In 2015, authorities kidnapped author and publisher – and EU citizen – Gui Minhai from Thailand, as well as his business associate, British citizen Lee Bo. In 2017, billionaire businessman and Canadian passport holder Xiao Jianhua vanished from his hotel room in Hong Kong.
   
   But the Chinese government does not limit the use of disappearance to marginalised groups or to political dissidents and critics. In July of last year, Fan Bingbing – a world-famous Chinese actress – suddenly went silent. For more than three months, she was missing from public view. Even the CCP’s own are not immune: the head of France-based Interpol, the international police organisation, and Vice Minister of Justice Meng Hongwei, who presumably should have been untouchable, last communicated with his wife in October 2018, before being taken into custody during a routine trip back to China.
   
   There is the CCP Disciplinary Committee’s shuanggui and the National Supervisory Commission’s liuzhi. There are ‘black jails’ that house rural petitioners and the ‘legal education centres’ and ‘study classes’ set up to detain and brainwash Falun Gong practitioners. As reported increasingly in the last year, there are the ‘education and transformation centres’ that may hold more than a million Uyghur and other Muslim minorities. Although each goes by a different name, these practices constitute a coherent state system of enforced disappearance, in blatant violation of international human rights standards.
   
   China has refused to ratify the UN Convention on Enforced Disappearances, and has even gone so far as to legalise enforced disappearances in recent amendments of its Criminal Procedure Law. As the 2017 publication People’s Republic of the Disappeared showed, the use of ‘residential surveillance in a designated location’ – as allowed for in a provision of the law – has resulted in shocking abuse of lawyers, activists, human rights defenders and ordinary citizens. In the forward to the book, I call these ‘atrocities in the name of the law’.
   
   I should know; I have experienced them myself. Three separate times - in 2008, 2011 and 2012- I was among the political dissidents and human rights lawyers who were the victims of disappearances. I was held in secret, put in a black hood that blocked out all light, with no way of knowing where I was, subject to physical and mental torment. My family and friends were also victims; in the blink of an eye, I had evaporated, they didn’t know if I was alive or dead. This caused them immense suffering.
   
   For those who remain free, enforced disappearance still has its consequences. It creates a climate of terror. If you know that the state is not bound by any laws, and can disappear you anytime, anywhere, how likely are you to speak out against that same state?
   
   The Chinese state, which like all authoritarian regimes is motivated by an extreme fear of its own people, has perfected this tactic as a means of staying in power. It is more efficient than detention, trial and imprisonment, because it relies on one simple truth: that no one, not lawyers, celebrities, people of faith, or even government officials, is safe.
   
   And yet, there is another simple truth that I and others working for human rights believe: that when one of us is not free, none of us is free. People willing to trade their freedom for temporary security deserve neither and will lose both.
   
   The international community cannot stand idly by, nor believe that, in dealing with a high-tech totalitarian Chinese regime, they can assume it will be business as usual. They should not forget the lessons of appeasing the Third Reich in the twentieth century. In the face of so many disappearances in China, the spirit of defending freedom and the voice of resistance cannot also disappear.
   
   **French version of this article was published on 2019.8.30, LIBERATION.
(2019/09/06 发表)
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