滕彪文集
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滕彪文集
·June 2014: Remembering Tiananmen: The View from Hong Kong
·The Strength to Save Oneself
·讓北京知道 要甚麼樣的未來/苹果日报
·否認屠殺的言論自由?
·Beyond Stability Maintenance-From Surveillance to Elimination/Teng bia
·从稳控模式到扫荡模式
·為自由,免於恐懼越絕壑——記滕彪談中國維權路
·就律协点名维权律师“无照”执业 滕彪答德国之声记者问
·法官如何爱国?
·滕彪给全国律协的公开信
·郑州十君子公民声援团募款倡议书
·Politics of the Death Penalty in China
·What sustains Chinese truth-tellers
·在人权灾难面前不应沉默
·From Stability Maintenance to Wiping Out/Teng biao
·自由不是一個禮物,而是一個任務
·抱薪救火的严打政策
·习近平要回到文革吗?
·中国宪法的结构性缺陷
·25 years later, Tiananmen cause is still costly
·A Chinese activist: Out of prison but not free
·中国人权有进步吗?
·Activist lawyer vows to keep fighting for human rights
·高智晟:走出监狱却没有自由
·VOA时事大家谈:维权/维稳
·和平香港行動呼籲
·沉默的吶喊
·Head Off a Tiananmen Massacre in Hong Kong/Yang jianli,Teng Biao,Hu ji
·滕彪被中国政法大学除名 因参与新公民运动
· Ilham Tohti should get the Nobel peace prize, not life in prison
·受难的伊力哈木
·香港人不会接受一个假选举
· Chinese activist scholar Teng Biao on how Occupy Central affects main
·大陆法律人关于支持港人真普选和释放大陆声援公民的声明
·« Révolution des parapluies » contre Pékin / Teng biao
·We Stand With You
·从占领中环到伞花革命
·不可承受的革命之重
·中国维权运动的历史和现状
·Don’t Get Too Excited About the Investigation of Zhou Yongkang
·Sensing subversion, China throws the book at kids' libraries
·China’s Unstoppable Lawyers: An Interview With Teng Biao
·专访滕彪:中国那些百折不回的律师们/纽约书评
·法治還是匪治
·努力实现匪治
·Hongkong: the Unbearable Weight of the Revolution
·Courts are told what decision to make in important cases
·RISKY BUSINESS fighting for Human Rights in China
·藏族、維吾爾族、南(内)蒙古族以及漢族活動人士的聯合聲明
·A STATEMENT OF SOLIDARITY FROM A TIBETAN, UYGHUR, SOUTHERN MONGOLIAN,
·The Supremacy of the Constitution, and Freedom of Religion
·如果有人倾听你对 昨夜梦境的复述(诗四首)
·China’s Empty Promise of Rule by Law
·Sensing subversion, China throws the book at kids' libraries
·VOA时事大家谈:中国司法不独立,如何进行司法改革?
·VOA时事大家谈:通奸女官员被“游街”:罪有应得还是侵犯人权?
·滕彪:中共“依法治国”的画皮
·What will this crackdown on activists do to China’s nascent civil soc
·浦志强、滕彪:李保华诉周国平名誉权纠纷案代理词
·The most dangerous job in law
·关于撤销《黑龙江省垦区条例》的建议
·Selective Blindness over China and Huamn Rights
·中共体制是一个不定时的炸弹/VOA
·滕彪在伦敦闹市被打劫
·「西方學者自我審查問題嚴重」/BBC
·CHINA'S LONG ROAD TO DEATH PENALTY REFORM
·Blood, Justice and Corruption: Why the Chinese Love Their Death Penalt
·完善我国宪法人权保护条款的建议
·计生基本国策是完全错误的
·死刑作為政治籌碼
·Human Rights Advocates Vanish as China Intensifies Crackdown/NYT
·学者滕彪等人探望基督徒母亲被殴打/RFA
·‘Did We Stand on the Side of Tank Man?’
·The Quest to Save the World's Scholars From Persecution and Death
·北京准备出手整肃海内外NGO与学术界
·时事大家谈:中国新国安法,党国不分?
·Comments on the draft law on Foreign NGO Management
·评《境外非政府组织管理法》和《国家安全法》草案
·《回到革命》亮相香港书展
·China is moving toward a new totalitarianism
·Uncivil/ The Economist
·《回到革命》编选说明、封面设计说明
·习近平为何清洗人权律师
·Why Xi Jinping is Purging China’s Human Rights Lawyers
·CCP party has an exaggerated fear of a color revolution
·維權律師享受和集權者鬥爭樂趣
·Toast at the Stateless Breakfast
·"China é responsável por 90% das execuções mundiais"
·敗訴多於勝訴的名律師(上)
·敗訴多於勝訴的名律師(下)
·China's international relations at a time of rising rule of law challe
·Seven Chinese activists wrote to the Dutch King
·七名中国民主人士致信荷兰国王
·專訪維權律師滕彪對中國法治人權的解讀
·中共的政治株连
·Dictatorship is a Decapitator, Whether it Tortures You or Treats You W
·Innocence project movement in China rises to aid the wrongfully convic
·好處沙龍【選後台灣如何面對中國巨變】
·“你恐惧,中共的目的就达到了”
·SOME QUESTIONS FOR PRESIDENT OBAMA TO ASK PRESIDENT XI
·Book Debate Raises Questions of Self-Censorship by Foreign Groups in C
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Remembering Tiananmen/Straits Times

https://www.straitstimes.com/opinion/remembering-tiananmen
   
   The STRAITS TIMES
   
   Goh Sui Noi

   Jun 7, 2019
   
   "We remember June Fourth because there are people who dearly want us to remember. It comforts them to know that we remember.
   
   "We remember June Fourth because there are also people who desperately want us not to remember. They want us to forget because forgetting helps to preserve their political power."
   
   These poignant lines are from a poem by sinologist Perry Link. They encapsulate the struggle to this day between those Chinese people who desire political change and their rulers who seek to eliminate threats to their power, 30 years after the bloody crackdown on June 3-4 against pro-democracy protesters camped out on Tiananmen Square.
   
   The poem was read at a dinner during a three-day forum last month in Taipei to commemorate the incident, now described by the authorities as a "political turbulence", but by those who lived through the harrowing night as a "massacre".
   
   Several hundred, perhaps thousands, died that night - unarmed protesters comprising mainly students and workers, and residents who had come out to support them, fired upon by soldiers and rolled over by tanks in and outside the square.
   
   Beijing has sought to obliterate from Chinese memory the 1989 student-led pro-democracy movement and the violent suppression of it, banning public commemoration of the event and censoring any mention of it on social media, among other measures.
   
   It looks to have succeeded, with many young Chinese today having little knowledge or understanding of what happened, and little interest in it as well.
   
   "The contents, the demands, the modes of organisation of this huge mass movement have been forgotten, and only a very small number of Chinese people who didn't experience it know anything about it," wrote China scholar Jean-Philippe Beja of Sciences Po in a paper that he presented at the Taipei forum.
   
   As for the reason why, "it is to pre-empt the pre-crackdown protests being an inspiration to Chinese citizens, particularly the younger generations, to organise themselves to protest and challenge the party's monopoly of power", said Professor Steve Tsang of the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, in an e-mail interview.
   
   REFORMISTS AND CONSERVATIVES
   The protests had occurred at a time when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was facing divisions internally between reformists who thought political reform was necessary to the deepening of economic reform, and conservatives who were worried that any political change would threaten the CCP's hold on power.
   
   Perhaps because of these internal divisions, the decision was made to send in the troops to quell the demonstrations that had spread to other cities, and brought up to a million people onto the square at their peak.
   
   For some, like Dr Teng Biao, 45, a human rights activist, it was to cow the Chinese people into submission in order to maintain stability. He pointed out that then paramount leader Deng Xiaoping was alleged to have said that the regime would be willing to "kill 200,000 people in exchange for 20 years of stability".
   
   Others, like Tiananmen protester and exile Wu Renhua, 63, believe it is because China's political system of one-party dictatorship does not allow anyone to challenge it.
   
   "Once there are people going into the streets to demonstrate, it views this as a challenge and a threat to its rule. So long as the student pro-democracy movement reaches a certain scale and becomes a threat to its power, it will resort to suppression," he said.
   
   Certainly, Chinese politics took a conservative turn after Tiananmen - Professor Link again: "We remember June Fourth because it was a historic turning point for one-fifth of the world. A turning point in a frightening direction."
   
   Ms Wang Chaohua, now 66, one of only two women student leaders at the Tiananmen protests and now an exile in the United States, agrees that June 4 was a crucial moment for China politically.
   
   She remembers that after the Cultural Revolution of 1966-1976 - a period of social and political chaos - the Chinese government's slogan was "stability, unity and looking forward". It wanted the people to put the tortured past of the Cultural Revolution behind them and look towards the future together.
   
   After 1989, she told this reporter in Taipei, the new slogans were "stability prevails over all else" and "development is the absolute principle".
   
   There was no more mention of unity, she noted. The accommodating of different social groups and organisations had ended.
   
   Safeguarding the CCP's rule became the highest principle under the new development ideology, she added.
   
   "Any social energy emitted that threatens the rule of the CCP needs to be suppressed, any form of instability must be nipped in the bud," she said.
   
   Mr Wu puts it thus: With each successive leader after June 4 - from president Jiang Zemin to president Hu Jintao to current leader Xi Jinping - China has taken a step backwards politically.
   
   "In the 30 years since the Tiananmen incident, we have not seen China making progress in the area of democracy. Instead, it is going down the path of greater autocracy," he said.
   
   Political control is tighter than ever, with the use of the latest technology - artificial intelligence, facial recognition, big data - to suppress dissent.
   
   And while China in the last 30 years has wrought an economic miracle, lifting hundreds of millions out of poverty and making life better for most Chinese, critics contend that without political reforms, this development has been accompanied by many ills.
   
   Corruption is rife among the ruling class, unbridled development has caused environmental damage, new-found wealth is not equitably redistributed so that income gaps have widened, and there is a sense of social and moral decay.
   
   China may be the second-largest economy in the world, but its development model "is a disaster for the vast majority of the Chinese people", said Dr Teng.
   
   For the Tiananmen protesters now in exile, and the rights activists who have followed in their footsteps in fighting for change, keeping alive not just the memory of the suppression but also that of the movement and what it demands, as well as the Chinese people's courage to stand up to the powers that be, is therefore as important if not more so than before.
   
   For, as Prof Link wrote: "We remember June Fourth because the worst of China is there - but the best of China is there, too."
   
   PASSING ON THE TORCH
   Some of the best and brightest of the generation of young people in 1989 had taken part in the protests that began as gatherings on the square to mourn the reformist former general-secretary of the CCP, Mr Hu Yaobang, who had died of a heart attack on April 15.
   
   They came from China's top universities, like Peking and Tsinghua. Some were already political activists, like Peking University student Wang Dan, who in 1988 was organising democracy salons to discuss political issues.
   
   The gatherings in April burgeoned and morphed into a pro-democracy movement that demanded the government deal with issues such as corruption and runaway inflation, allow greater media freedom, and implement educational and political reforms.
   
   But the student-led movement became a mass movement on April 27 when the students marched in defiance of an April 26 People's Daily editorial - a sign that this came from the very top of the Chinese leadership, Mr Deng himself - calling for an end to the "disturbances"; on that pivotal day, Beijing residents came out in their thousands to provide food and drinks to the demonstrators, or put themselves between the protesters and the police.
   
   Said Dr Wang Dan, now a historian, of that day: "It was the first time since 1949 under the Communist Party rule that the people had taken to the streets、、. From that day on, the government was the government, the people, the people, and the government was not with the people."
   
   On that day, too, wrote Professor Beja, "the Chinese people stood up: fear had receded and free expression was taking place".

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