滕彪文集
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滕彪文集
·体制的边界
临沂计划生育调查手记
·蒙河边的抗争—临沂计划生育调查手记之一
·“我家亲戚被抓了22口”—临沂计划生育调查手记之二
·她的眼里没有泪水—临沂计划生育调查手记之三
·到办公室上课去!—临沂计划生育调查手记之四
·不扎也得扎!—临沂计划生育调查手记之五
·学习班—临沂计划生育调查手记之六
·向人性宣战—临沂计划生育调查手记之七
·“盯关跟主义”—临沂计划生育调查手记之八
·人性不曾屈服—临沂计划生育调查手记之九
·野蛮是如何炼成的?—临沂计划生育调查手记之十
·后记:
·有谁战胜过真相
·法治中国需要中国法律人的良知及责任—致世界法律大会中国代表的公开信
·从上书到公开信
·是谁在“严重威胁社会秩序”?—关于游行示威权利的行政复议申请书
·致陈光诚的一封信
·用微笑来面对那些制造恐惧的人——和高智晟在一起的一个下午
·2+2=4的自由
·推倒「新闻柏林围墙」——透视中国新闻自由的前景
·恢复收容遣送制度等于开历史倒车
·陈光诚案凸显中国法治的困局
·暗夜里的光明之舞
·中国维权运动往何处去?
·陈光诚是如何被定罪的?(补充版)
·Crusader in a legal wilderness
·China’s blind Justice
·China's Political Courts
·以公民的姿态挺身而出/闵家桥
·“最可贵的是她有健康的公民意识”——关于公民王淑荣的对话
·“阳光宪政”的护卫者/民主与法制杂志
·要让好人走到一起,才能合力纠错——奥美定事件亲历者访谈录/南方周末
·李卫平: 被迫走出书斋的维权者——著名维权律师滕彪访谈录
·太阳城:写在第三期“名家说法”被命令取消之后
·滕彪印象/法制日报
·Rule of Law requires our consciousness and responsibility
·临沂野蛮计生与陈光诚事件维权大事记(2006-11-7)
·耻为盛世添顺骨
·中国时报专访:盼与政府互动 和平维权
·滕彪博士:精神家园的守望者/刘爽
·司法改良和公民维权——学而思沙龙的网谈
·学术、政治与生活——2006年12月17日做客沧海论坛在线交流记录
·黎明前的见证
·看看我们的朋友——致受难中的高智晟和他的妻子和孩子
·临沂警匪暴行录
·临沂野蛮计生事件及陈光诚案维权大事记(五——七)
·中国当代宪政主义者的困境和选择/林泽波
·通过汉语改变中国
·茶人滕彪/萧瀚
·崔英杰案:“慎杀时代”的第一个考验
·死刑、司法与中国人权
·废除死刑的中国语境——在第三届世界反死刑大会上的发言
·司法独立,和谐中国——2007年“两会”之际的公民呼吁/许志永 滕彪
·彻底改革司法才能避免滥用死刑
·崔英杰案,在多重反思中寻找契机
·从“两会”看赎回选票运动
·关于尽快将青岛市四方区政府违法拆迁行为纳入法制轨道的法律意见书
·青岛野蛮拆迁:袁薪玉被控放火和妨害公务案一审的当庭辩护意见
·维权书简·戴脚镣的舞者
·被遗忘的谎言——就《成都晚报》事件致中宣部长和教育部长的一封信
·滕彪:可怕的“冤案递增律”
·不是我不明白
·张敏:滕彪律师访美谈中国司法现状与维权
·萧洵:纸包子案记者被判刑引发强烈质疑
·自由亚洲电台:拾荒者遇上联防离奇死亡 孙志刚式悲剧首都重现?
·何亚福 王鑫海 杨支柱等:放开二胎倡议书
·临沂野蛮计生事件及陈光诚案维权大事记(八--九)
·一个案件的真相与两个案件的正义(附:“聂树斌案”到了最危急时刻!)
·滕彪、胡佳:奥运前的中国真相
·郑筱萸案扇了死刑复核程序一记耳光/滕彪 李方平
·“杀害自己孩子的民族没有未来!”
·关于李和平律师被绑架殴打致国务院、最高人民检察院、公安部、国家安全部的公开信(签名中)
·NO FIGHTS,NO RIGHTS——接受博闻社采访谈中国人权现状
·挽包遵信先生
·香港电台铿锵集:扣着脚镣跳舞的中国律师
·那些陌生的人们在我们心底哭泣——推荐一个短片
·关于邮箱被盗用的声明
·《律师法》37条:为律师准备的新陷阱
·保护维权律师,实现法治——采访法学博士滕彪律师/张程
·Six Attorneys Openly Defend Falun Gong in Chinese Court
·李和平 滕彪等:为法轮功学员辩护-宪法至上 信仰自由
·面对暴力的思考与记忆——致李和平
·专访滕彪律师:《律师法》2007修订与维权/RFA张敏
·The Real China before the Olympics/Teng Biao,Hu jia
·我们不能坐等美好的社会到来
·律师:维权人士胡佳将受到起诉
·胡佳被捕 顯示中國要在奧運之前大清場
·人权的价值与正义的利益
·抓捕胡佳意味着什么?
·关于《奥运前的中国真相》一文的说明——声援胡佳之一
·邮箱作废声明
·关于审查和改变《互联网视听节目服务管理规定》部分不适当条款的建议
·胡佳的大爱与大勇
·后极权时代的公民美德与公民责任
·狱中致爱人
·奥运和乞丐不能并存?
·滕彪李苏滨关于青岛于建利涉嫌诽谤罪案的辩护意见
·纽约时报社评:中国的爱国小将们
·回网友四书
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Open Recommendation to Conduct Constitutional Review on the “Law of t

Open Recommendation to Conduct Constitutional Review on the “Law of the People’s Republic of China on Assemblies, Processions and Demonstrations”
   
   By 78 Chinese Scholars, Journalists and Lawyers, published: January 22, 2014
   
   https://chinachange.org/2014/01/22/open-recommendation-to-conduct-constitutional-review-on-the-law-of-the-peoples-republic-of-china-on-assemblies-processions-and-demonstrations/

   
   The National People’s Congress,
   
   Constitutional supremacy is the foundation of modern states. As the highest law of the land, it should not exist just as a text; it must be enforced in judicial practices. By the same token, for the Constitution to uphold its authority, it must not look away from laws, regulations and acts that violate the Constitution. When the Constitution promises basic human rights and freedoms for citizens, it shall not indulge the continuous existence of any law or regulation that transgresses these rights and freedoms.
   
   
   
   Article 5 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China stipulates, “No laws or administrative or local rules and regulations may contravene the Constitution.” “All state organs, the armed forces, all political parties and public organizations and all enterprises and institutions must abide by the Constitution and the law. All acts in violation of the Constitution or the law must be investigated.” And “no organization or individual is privileged to be beyond the Constitution or the law.” According to Article 62 of the Constitution, the functions and powers of the National People’s Congress include “supervising the enforcement of the Constitution” as well as “amending laws.”
   
   Article 78 of the Legislation Law of the People’s Republic of China stipulates: “The Constitution has the highest legal authority, and no national law, administrative regulation, local decree, autonomous decree and special decree, or administrative or local rule may contravene the Constitution.” Article 87 of the same law stipulates that, when “a lower level law contravenes a higher level law,” the authoritative body “shall amend or cancel it.” And Article 88 of the same law stipulates: “the National People’s Congress has the authority to amend or cancel any inappropriate national law enacted by its Standing Committee.”
   
   We believe that the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Assemblies, Processions and Demonstrations, promulgated and enacted on October 31, 1989, deprives in essence citizens of their rights to assemble, march and demonstrate and contravenes the Constitution, and the National People’s Congress should conduct a constitutional review of it and cancel it.
   
   1. Article 20 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states, “everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.” Article 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which China signed in 1998, states, “the right of peaceful assembly shall be recognized. No restrictions may be placed on the exercise of this right……” And Article 22: “1. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of association with others, including the right to form and join trade unions for the protection of his interests.” 2. No restrictions may be placed on the exercise of this right……”As a member of the United Nations, a permanent member of the UN Security Council and a member of the current UN Human Rights Council, China is supposed to adhere to the United Nations conventions on human rights, and align its legal system with related international treaties.
   
   2. Article 35 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China stipulates: “Citizens of the People’s Republic of China enjoy freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, of procession and of demonstration.” The article unequivocally confirms the constitutional rights to assemble, to associate, to proceed, and to demonstrate, and no political party, nor the government, has the right to interfere, and no law or regulation shall infringe on this constitutional safeguard. But Article 7 of the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Assemblies, Processions and Demonstrations stipulates: “for the holding of an assembly, a procession or a demonstration, application must be made to and permission obtained from the competent authorities in accordance with the provisions of this Law.” By imposing administrative approval on constitutional rights, the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Assemblies, Processions and Demonstrations contravenes the Constitution. Laws can be made to safeguard, or elaborate on, the constitutional rights but have no right to impose administrative approval on the basic rights provided for by the Constitution.
   
   To truly safeguard citizens’ rights to assemble, march and demonstrate, the administrative approval mechanism, currently in place, over assemblies, processions and demonstrations must be changed. The common practice of all countries with rule of law is a filing system in which, if the planned assembly, procession or demonstration exceeds a certain scale, then the citizens notify the public security organ in advance so that the latter will deploy a police force to impose order and ensure the smooth conduct of the assembly, procession or demonstration.
   
   3. Overall, it is clear that the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Assemblies, Processions and Demonstrations was meant to restrict assemblies, processions and demonstrations. With only 3,618 words, the law imposes 14 “shall not”s: “no weapons, regulated cutting tools shall be carried…”(Article 5).“No citizens shall, in a city other than his place of residence, start, organize or participate in an assembly, a procession or a demonstration of local citizens”(Article 15). “No functionary of a state organ shall organize or participate in an assembly, a procession or a demonstration which contravenes the functions and obligations of functionaries of state organs as prescribed in relevant laws and regulations”(Article 16). “Temporary security cordons…shall not be crossed” (Article 22). “Foreigners in the territory of China may not, without approval by the competent authorities, participate in an assembly, a procession or a demonstration held by Chinese citizens”(Article 34). “No assembly, procession or demonstration shall be held within a peripheral distance of 10-300 meters from the following places: (1) premises of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, the State Council, the Central Military Commission, the Supreme People’s Court and the Supreme People’s Procuratorate; (2) places where state guests are staying; (3) important military installations; and (4) air harbors, railway stations and ports”(Article 23).
   
   Apart from these prohibitions, this law has more restrictive rules: “The time for holding an assembly, a procession or a demonstration shall be limited to 6 a.m. – 10 p.m., with the exception of those held by decision or approval of the local people’s governments”( Article 24). “If anyone organizes or participates in an assembly, a procession or a demonstration in the name of a state organ, a public organization, an enterprise or an institution, he must first obtain approval from its leaders”( Article 17), and more. This law continues the practice of “abstractly confirming but practically negating” freedoms and human rights. In its 36 articles, 2 are abstractly confirmative, and 23 are prohibitions or restrictions, or 64% of the entire law. No wonder people describe this law as the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Prohibiting Assemblies, Processions and Demonstrations. In terms of purpose of legislation, this law clearly and severely restricts citizens’ constitutional rights, a violation of the Constitution without a doubt.
   
   
   
   4. Indeed, since the enactment of the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Assemblies, Processions and Demonstrations, citizens’ rights to assemble, march, and demonstrate have all but been deprived. The law was promulgated hurriedly in the wake of the students and residents democratic movement in 1989. During a period of nearly 25 years, the public security bureaus across China have almost never granted permission to a request to assembly, march or demonstrate, rejecting even requests for a procession of only three to five people making limited appeal on the basis that they would “seriously disrupt social order.”

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