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滕彪文集
·滕彪的叫真/林青
·2011年十大法治事件(公盟版)
·Chinese Human Rights Lawyers Under Assault
·《乱诗》/殷龙龙
·吴英的生命和你我有关
·和讯微访谈•滕彪谈吴英案
·吴英、司法与死刑
·努力走向公民社会(视频访谈)
·【蔡卓华案】胡锦云被诉窝藏赃物罪的二审辩护词
·23岁青年被非法拘禁致死 亲属六年申请赔偿无果
·5月2日与陈光诚的谈话记录
·华邮评论:支持中国说真话者的理由
·中国律师的阴与阳/金融时报
·陈光诚应该留还是走?/刘卫晟
·含泪劝猫莫吃鼠
·AB的故事
·陈克贵家属关于拒绝接受两名指定律师的声明
·这个时代最优异的死刑辩词/茉莉
·自救的力量
·不只是问问而已
·The use of Citizens Documentary in Chinese Civil Rights Movements
·行政强制法起草至今23年未通过
·Rights Defence Movement Online and Offline
·遭遇中国司法
·一个单纯的反对者/阳光时务周刊
·“颠覆国家政权罪”的政治意涵/滕彪
·财产公开,与虎谋皮
·Changing China through Mandarin
·通过法律的抢劫——答《公民论坛》问
·Teng Biao: Defense in the Second Trial of Xia Junfeng Case
·血拆危局/滕彪
·“中国专制体制依赖死刑的象征性”
·To Remember Is to Resist/Teng Biao
·Striking a blow for freedom
·滕彪:维权、微博与围观:维权运动的线上与线下(上)
·滕彪:维权、微博与围观:维权运动的线上与线下(下)
·达赖喇嘛与中国国内人士视频会面问答全文
·台灣法庭初體驗-專訪滕彪
·滕彪:中国政治需要死刑作伴
·一个反动分子的自白
·强烈要求释放丁红芬等公民、立即取缔黑监狱的呼吁书
·The Confessions of a Reactionary
·浦志强 滕彪: 王天成诉周叶中案代理词
·选择维权是一种必然/德国之声
·A courageous Chinese lawyer urges his country to follow its own laws
·警方建议起诉许志永,意见书似“公民范本”
·对《集会游行示威法》提起违宪审查的公开建议书
·对《集会游行示威法》提起违宪审查的公开建议书
·滕彪访谈录:在“反动”的道路上越走越远
·因家暴杀夫被核准死刑 学界联名呼吁“刀下留人”
·川妇因反抗家暴面临死刑 各界紧急呼吁刀下留人
·Activist’s Death Questioned as U.N. Considers Chinese Rights Report
·Tales of an unjust justice
·打虎不是反腐
·What Is a “Legal Education Center” in China
·曹雅学:谁是许志永—— 与滕彪博士的访谈
·高层有人倒行逆施 民间却在不断成长
·让我们记住作恶的法官
·China’s growing human rights movement can claim many accomplishments
·總有一種花將會開遍中華大地/郭宏治
·不要忘记为争取​自由而失去自由的人们
·Testimony at CECC Hearing on China’s Crackdown on Rights Advocates
·Tiananmen at 25: China's next revolution may already be underway
·宗教自由普度共识
·"Purdue Consensus on Religious Freedom"
·Beijing urged to respect religious freedom amid ‘anti-church’ crackd
·“中共难容宗教对意识形态的消解”
·非常规威慑
·许志永自由中国公民梦不碎
·滕彪维园演讲
·Speech during the June 4th Vigil in Victoria Park in Hong Kong
·坦克辗压下的中国
·呂秉權﹕滕彪赤子心「死諫」香港
·【林忌评论】大陆没民主 香港没普选?
·曾志豪:滕彪都站出來,你呢?
·June 2014: Remembering Tiananmen: The View from Hong Kong
·The Strength to Save Oneself
·讓北京知道 要甚麼樣的未來/苹果日报
·否認屠殺的言論自由?
·Beyond Stability Maintenance-From Surveillance to Elimination/Teng bia
·从稳控模式到扫荡模式
·為自由,免於恐懼越絕壑——記滕彪談中國維權路
·就律协点名维权律师“无照”执业 滕彪答德国之声记者问
·法官如何爱国?
·滕彪给全国律协的公开信
·郑州十君子公民声援团募款倡议书
·Politics of the Death Penalty in China
·What sustains Chinese truth-tellers
·在人权灾难面前不应沉默
·From Stability Maintenance to Wiping Out/Teng biao
·自由不是一個禮物,而是一個任務
·抱薪救火的严打政策
·习近平要回到文革吗?
·中国宪法的结构性缺陷
·25 years later, Tiananmen cause is still costly
·A Chinese activist: Out of prison but not free
·中国人权有进步吗?
·Activist lawyer vows to keep fighting for human rights
·高智晟:走出监狱却没有自由
·VOA时事大家谈:维权/维稳
·和平香港行動呼籲
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A Human Rights Lawyer Lifts the Communist Party’s Spell

A Human Rights Lawyer Lifts the Communist Party’s Spell
   Teng Biao completely renounces the Chinese Communist Party
   
   By Teng Biao
   September 28, 2017

   
   
   On March 14, 2016, at the UN’s Palais des Nations in Geneva, I joined a forum to commemorate the second anniversary of the death in custody of human rights defender Cao Shunli. I couldn’t help but vent my anger at what a criminal gang the Chinese Communist Party is.
   
   The same day I received the following email: “Teacher Teng: As ratified by the law school’s Communist Party committee, the Chinese University of Political Science and Law’s (CUPL’s) Party branch will on March 16, 2016, at 2:00 p.m. hold a general assembly on campus in Room 211 to reach a decision on the question of Teng Biao’s voluntary resignation of Party membership. You are hereby requested to attend.”
   
   The note was signed by “Party Committee of the Chinese University of Political Science and Law, Legal Studies Party Branch.”
   
   I didn’t attend the meeting, but I now feel the need to give the Communist Party a piece of my mind.
   
   Most Peculiar Creatures on Earth
   
   Almost every child born in the so-called “New China” is full of boundless enthusiasm and worship for the Chinese Communist Party. As the official propaganda would have it, in all emergencies and matters of life and death, it’s always Communist Party members who rush to the fore.
   
   Those who save the children on the train tracks, those who go to silence the enemy guns during combat, those who drown themselves to safeguard national assets—even if they’re not Party members, on the verge of death it will be revealed that they had written out a pledge that they had wanted to join the Party. Or if no such pledge can be produced, they’ll be posthumously recognized as Communist Party members.
   
   This brainless, crazed enthusiasm for the Communist Party isn’t inculcated in a day or two. This has been a process requiring the assiduous efforts, passion, and imagination of countless authors, engineers of the soul, political commissars, historical fabulists, visual propagandists, musicians, and brainwashed parents.
   
   Related Coverage
   A Human Rights Lawyer Lifts the Communist Party’s SpellThe Journalist Who Served the Party Until He Was Driven to Kill Himself
   
   Members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) are among the most peculiar creatures on earth. They are said to grasp the truth of the universe, the laws of history; they possess the ultimate ideals of mankind; and they are determined to establish heaven on earth.
   
   They never seek to benefit themselves, but always to help others. They fear neither gods nor karmic retribution. They’ll kill their own family members if “justice” demands it. They all think with a single mind, and every Party member is an incomparably pure and innocent saint.
   
   The moment a bad element sneaks into the Party, they’ll be expelled—this is what guarantees the Communist Party’s purity and advanced nature. Every time the Party makes a mistake, it simply turns out to be proof that the Party has an extraordinary ability at self-correction and stands as a testament to how the Party is “great, glorious and correct.” And this is why we know the Party so loves to make mistakes.
   
   Joining the Party
   
   I myself am an exemplar of the CCP’s system of education (or brainwashing). From primary school to middle school to when I matriculated at Peking University, I was always the most obedient student. I never contradicted my teachers, I never cut class, I always got good grades. My ideals were Party Red, and I had a pile of certificates and awards. In other words, I was almost ruined. I had never used my own mind to think.
   
   The process of escaping this state of brainlessness was arduous, complex, and subtle. It required an understanding of the psychology of totalitarianism, the genealogy of propaganda and brainwashing, educational anthropology, social epistemology and political aesthetics. What affected me most personally were Peking University, some professors, some student friends, some books, some underground films, and a number of incidents I went through.
   
   In elementary school and middle school, only the “most outstanding” students were allowed to enter the Young Pioneers and Youth League. Those who were backward in their thinking were left out. At university, the competition to join the Party was fierce, and I gave up on it. During graduate studies, the competition wasn’t as intense, and in fact there weren’t many “lagging elements” who hadn’t joined.
   
   The Party Branch had me write an application letter, the meaning of which I apprehended fairly quickly: first, they wanted to see you express your trust in the organization. Secondly, they thought: You’re Peking University talent, so if you don’t join the Party and serve the Party, have you got a problem with the Party? Who are you serving?
   
   I was half willing and half doubtful. At that point I was in the stage of my rapid awakening to the world, and I already loathed and felt estranged by the Party’s organizational form, speech style, and dogma. On the other hand, I’d never met anyone who joined the Party because they actually believed in it.
   
   In two years I’d be out looking for work, so joining didn’t have any disadvantages, nor did I need to take it as a big psychological burden. And at the time I also harbored a rather naive thought: intellectuals in the 1980s often said that the easiest way to bring down a fortress is from the inside, so to a degree I actually thought that I would get myself into the Party with the noble mission of opposing the Party.
   
   
   So I dug up a Party application template, copied it, and was admitted to the Party. But I was firm that I would not swear the admission oath. There were 40 or 50 new Party members that were to engage in a collective oath-swearing ceremony. The leader said that the TV station would also come, and everyone would go onto the lawn to swear their oaths while it was recorded. I hated the idea and slipped away.
   
   Reform Versus Alienation
   
   I want to address that naive sentiment I had, that joining the Party provides the opportunity to reform the Party, or even oppose it, from the inside. But in fact, the Party’s crimes are far too numerous, it has no will to change, and to this day it’s still going further along down the road to perdition.
   
   I also realized that this Party’s survival mechanisms are adaptive; it has its own essence, and those who don’t go along with it essentially have no chance inside the Party. Anyone who can reach a high rank in the Party either comes from a top Party family, or knows how to pull strings and manipulate people, or is corrupt, or lies, or begs, or kills.
   
   People marching for the Global Service Center for Quitting the CCP participate in the Chinese New Year parade in Flushing, New York, on Feb. 8, 2014. (Edward Dai/Epoch Times)
   People marching for the Global Service Center for Quitting the CCP participate in the Chinese New Year parade in Flushing, New York, on Feb. 8, 2014. (Edward Dai/Epoch Times)
   So there is not only an extremely small chance that a sincere and honest person will reach a high level in this system, but in the process, to use a Marxist term, they will be “alienated.” By the time they’re a bureau chief or a provincial governor, their human nature will have been corroded almost entirely by the Party’s nature.
   
   If you want to be an element in the system, then everything of yours will have come from dictatorship. You will have found it impossible to not get involved in evil on the way up; you won’t be able to escape having safeguarded the Party-state system. And then even if you put up with it all and become a bureau chief or a provincial governor, you still have no ability or opportunity to change the system.
   
   Quitting the Party
   
   My wish to quit the Communist Party arose not long after I joined it in 1997. Anyone with eyes to see would have noticed the following phenomena in society: forced demolitions, torture, black jails, corruption, miscarriages of justice, collusion between officialdom and organized crime, controlled elections, willful slaughter of innocents, forced abortions, religious persecution, literary inquisitions, violent urban enforcers (“chengguan”), secret police, internet censorship, tofu dreg buildings, poisoned milk, contaminated vaccines…

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