大家
郭国汀律师专栏
[主页]->[大家]->[郭国汀律师专栏]->[The Essence Distinguish Between Marx and Lenin on the Dictatorship of ]
郭国汀律师专栏
·【专访】辩护律师郭国汀谈清水君案
·郭国汀指雅虎遵守当地法律说无法律根据
·郭国汀触怒司法当局:中国律师维护社会正义风险大
·US lawmakers ask Beijing to reinstate law firm of rights activist
***国际透视
·北朝鲜疯狂发展核武器为哪般?
·中国强劳产品出口的罪孽
·郭国汀 中国人民的真正朋友加拿大总理斯蒂芬 哈柏
·只有抛弃马列毛实现法治自由民主21世纪才有可能属于中国
·华盛顿邮报详细报导陈光诚案判决情况
·中国是国际网络表达自由的头号敌人
·华盛顿邮报陈光诚案庭审报导Chinese Rights Activist Stands Trial After Police Detain Defense Team
·新闻检查最严厉的十个国家胡锦涛称要向北朝鲜和古巴学习政治!
·国际人权观察就赵长青狱中受虐致胡温公开函
·中国驻美使馆拒收立即释放师涛的国际呼吁书
·国际保护记者委员会哀悼吴湘湖记者
·BBC 英语新闻报导《冰点》被封事件
·国际保护记者委员会关注声援杨天水
·国际保护记者委员会谴责中共迫害记者李长青
·国际保护记者委员会呼吁立即无条件释放杨天水
·CPJ URGER MR.HU RELEASE JOURNALISTS IN CHINA
·Overcoming Violence Abroad and at Home
·Lawyers Sentence Tests IOCs Ability to Enforce Olympic Promises
·Free China Rally in Canberra,
·Open Letter to President Hu Jintao and Prime Minister Wen Jiabao from the Coalition to Investigate the Persecution of Falun Gong in China (CIPFG)
·非洲的复兴(African Renaissance)
***(56)大学日记
·错误是我犯的,但数十年后亲自纠错我还不伟大吗?!
·郭国汀 “只有社会主义才能救中国”质疑
·国家是民族矛盾不可调和的产物而非阶级斗争的产物/郭国汀
·阶级斗争的思考/郭国汀
·论干部制度/郭国汀
·无产阶级领袖有感/郭国汀
·学习与开放/郭国汀
·如何理解劳动?──有感于中国1956─1959年之“三大改造/郭国汀”
·时空畅想/郭国汀
·文革教训原因考/郭国汀
·对物质的思考/郭国汀
·精神文明与物质文明/郭国汀
·内因与外因关系的沉思
·外因是决定事物运动变化发展的根本原因
·开放党禁与多党联合政治
·论质、量互变关系
·如何理解劳动?——有感于中国1956—1959年之“三大改造”
·人类与自然环境
·共产主义是违背自然规律的妄想
***(57)网友评价评论与批评郭国汀
·一代大师
·良好的名誉是人们在任何时代任何社会安身立命之本
·各界人士对郭国汀律师高度评价
·浦志强、张思之大律师评价郭国汀
·清水君(黄金秋):我要特别感谢郭国汀大律师
·上海美女评价郭国汀律师
·欧阳小戎忆郭国汀律师
·不要迫害中国的脊梁 ──郭国汀
·良心律师,人权大侠!
·为国为民 侠之大者——郭国汀
·被缚的普罗米修司----
·感谢郭国汀律师
·让英雄的血流在光天化日之下
·声援中国人权律师郭国汀、强烈反对中共利用司法机器釜底抽薪镇压维权运动征集签名书
·谁是当代中国最高贵的人?
·答浦志强对郭国汀的批评
·警惕:中共对郭国汀律师的迫害并没有中止
·从郭国汀案看中国法制的崩毁
·值得大学生与爱国愤青一读的戏剧
·大中学生及爱国愤青的娱乐读物
·刘路与郭国汀之间的友情
·刘路(李建强)共特真相大暴露
·为什么说李建强(刘路)是共特?
·欢迎李建强公开辩污论战
·我与刘晓波先生的恩怨
·我与英雄警官之间的友谊
·律师为英雄辩护的最佳策略
·敬请张耀杰先生公开向郭国汀大律师赔礼道歉的公开函
·郭国汀训斥张耀杰
·怒斥张耀杰----南郭系当之无愧的大律师!
·痛斥張耀傑----予汝真诚道欠的最后通谍!
·郭国汀痛斥假冒伪劣人格低下的[学者]張耀傑
***周游列国 漂泊四海
·我的哥本哈根之旅
·梦幻湖畔之春晖
·加国白雪公主之宫
·雪中加国风情
·圣诞日维多利亚雪宫
·我的总统跑道
·我的超五星级总统跑道之二
·迷人的维多利亚风光
·维多利亚人间仙境
·海上明珠维多利亚精景
·世上最美的往往是大自然
·郭国汀在渥太华和世外桃源
·郭国汀律师在温哥华
·冬吟白雪诗
·山青水秀地灵人杰
·与传统观念彻底决裂?!
[列出本栏目所有内容]
欢迎在此做广告
The Essence Distinguish Between Marx and Lenin on the Dictatorship of

Guoting Guo

   

   

   The Dictatorship of the Proletariat is the most important theory of the Marxism and Leninism, which also is the most confused idea in the Communist movement. As Leonhard noted that the concept of ‘the Dictatorship of the Proletariat’ has many changes in the course of development,and no other subject has given rise to such a multiplicity of polemics,discussions, and sharp clashes”. [1] The Constitution of China still has so called the“Four basic principles”, that is insist of the Marxism Leninism, the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, the road of the socialism and the Chinese Communist of Party’s(the CCP) leadership. Since in essence all political institutions of China copied from those of the Soviet of Union; After seize the state power in 1949, the CCP, in the name of the Dictatorship of the proletariat, never held a single free election for MPs, the president and local government head of officials; has been killed or jailing more than 20 millions political dissidents. I am going to study the real meaning of the dictatorship and the proletariat of Marx and Lenin, argued that for Marx and Engel, the dictatorship of the proletariat do not means a few revolutionary or elite’s dictatorship, but workers as a class for special purpose during transferring period through working class democracy ruling the worker’s state; while Lenin in essence against Marx’s theory and claims for despotic absolute violent power, which completely copied by the CCP.

   

   I. Marx on the dictatorship of the proletariat

   For Marx, social revolution presupposes a high level of economic and technological development, working class comprising the majority of the population; Absence the prerequisite, a transition to the classless society would not be possible; the social revolution would possible only by a simultaneous victory in several industrially developed countries; at first, Marx and Engels stressed revolution by force, after 1870s they regarded a peaceful transformation by means of a labour majority in parliament as desirable and probable. The social revolution would lead to the political rule of the working class (dictatorship of the proletariat)through the destruction of the power of bureaucracy, army, police, replace with a body elected by general secret ballot, exercising legislative and executive power, officials have the same pay as workers, would be recalled by electors at any time. In the end of 1870, Marx reply ‘All I know is that I am no Marxist”.

   

   The Dictatorship of the Proletariat during a short transitional period, would put into effect the measure necessary for the transformation of society. Main features:

   1. Social ownership of the means of production in the form of association of free producers or union of co-operatives;

   2. Planed development, increase the cooperative wealth, distribution of all products according to requirement;

   3. Eliminate class rule and class distinctions, abolish state power, emerge classless society;

   4. Eliminate town and country contrast;

   5. Abolish enslave division of labour, develop fully mental and physical potential;

   6. Eliminate conflicts among nations.

   

   The concept of The Dictatorship of the Proletariat, mean a dictatorial or even totalitarian system, nothing of the kind in Marx or Engels mind. They sometimes equated the concept of ‘democratic constitution’ with that of the role of the working class. The dictatorship of proletariat pursue socialist policy. Marx only discuss vague detail of such policy, to the abolition of the private property in all means of production.

   

   On May 1843 Marx to Arnold Ruge : “the only principle of despotism is contempt for man, dehumanized man, …the Despot always sees men as degraded. …The general principle of monarchy is the despised,despicable dehumanized man; Montespuieu makes distinctions among monarchy,despotism, and tyranny. But all these are names for only one idea; at most it is a behavioral difference within the same principle. …it is always good enough to govern a nation that has never has any other law than the despotism of its kings. [2]

   

   In Critique of Critical Critique, Marx and Engels believed that: “If the proletariat is victorious, it does not at all mean that it games the absolute master of society, for it is victorious only by abolishing itself and its opposite. Then the proletariat, and its determining opposite private property, disappear.”[3]

   

   Marx fight with Mikhail Bakunin, who considered The Dictatorship of the Proletariat dangerous, because like any dictatorship, it violated the human rights of freedom. “ I regret the blindness of those who believe that they can achieve economic equality and justice in any other way except by freedom. Equality without freedom is a terrible fiction, created by swindlers to mislead fools.Equality without freedom means state despotism. [4]

   

   The manifesto described ‘the first step in the revolution’ as being ‘ to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class, to win the battle of democracy. In thedraft, Engels declared that a communist revolution ‘will inaugurate a democratic constitution and thereby, directly orindirectly, the political rule of the proletariat’.[5] Ten demands listed in themanifesto, generally applicable in the most advanced countries, base onuniversal suffrage in an advanced industrial economy. The ultimate aim is theabolition of private property. As Thomas Sowell point out that The phrase ‘ dictatorship of the proletariat’ islittle more than a paraphrase of these statements. ’ [6]

   

   This description of transition period first occurred in 1850, “theproletariat…revolutionary socialism, around communism …Blanqui…declaration ofthe permanence of the revolution point to the abolition of class differencesgenerally, to the abolition of all the productive relation on which they rest,to the abolition of all the social relation that correspond to these relationsof production, to the revolutionising all the ideas that result from thesesocial connections. [7]

   

   Marx believed that a lengthytransition period must be follow the coming to power of the proletariat,and ‘every provisional political set-up following a revolution calls fordictatorship and an energetic dictatorship at that’.[8]Marx said that “the forceis the midwife of every old society pregnant with a newone”.

   

   The revolutionary programme of The Dictatorship of the Proletariat, the conquest of politicalpower by the working class in alliance with the non-proletarian sections of theworking people, was the culminating points of Marxism.[9]

   

   Marx’s proofs concerning The Dictatorship of the Proletariat were in fact prophecies statewith great force and conviction. The class struggle must necessarily lead to the dictatorship of proletariat was his most original contribution to thetheory of class struggle, and he meant by The Dictatorship of the Proletariatprecisely what he said: The ruling power would fall into the hands of the poorfarmers and the unskilled and semi-skilled workers. The aristocrats,bourgeoisie, and the skilled workers would be dethroned, and majority poor,would inherit the earth. Then in the course of time The Dictatorship of the Proletariat would give way to a classlesssociety. [10]

   

   Marx asserted that the proletariat cannot merelytake over the existing state machine, but must smash it and create a new onesuited to the situation, from experience of 1848-1850 revolution. In theManifesto, Marx seems thought that state are a neutral instrument, but in theEighteenth Brumaire, he declared that the revolution ‘perfects the statepower…in order to concentrate all its forces of destruction against it. [11] Proletariat revolutionmust smash the state machine, not simply to transfer it to new hand. Thepolitical machine which had enslaved the working class could not be ‘thepolitical instrument of their emancipation’.

   For Marx was not just a question of the physicaltransfer of Power but necessitated that the productive capacity of thebourgeois order should first be exhausted. Marx andEngels had clearly seen revolution as a spontaneous mass rising. Leninargued that spontaneous action was not sufficient, welled organized, strictdisciplined party represented the wishes of the proletariat and acting on theirbehalf. [12]

[下一页]
blog comments powered by Disqus

©Boxun News Network All Rights Reserved.
所有栏目和文章由作者或专栏管理员整理制作,均不代表博讯立场