滕彪文集
[主页]->[独立中文笔会]->[滕彪文集]->[ Chinese activist scholar Teng Biao on how Occupy Central affects main]
滕彪文集
·温良学者 正义卫士(四)——铁骨也柔情
·温良学者 正义卫士(五)——黑暗中的闪电
·美两党议员推法案 要求调查中共渗透/NTD
·Video【Teng Biao: From 1989 to 1984】
·第二届藏港台圆桌会 中国律师表态支持自决权
·自由民主與自決權:第二屆藏港台圓桌會議
·Exiled in the U.S., a Lawyer Warns of ‘China’s Long Arm’
·端传媒滕彪专访:一个曾经的依法维权者,怎么看今日中国?
·VOA:川金会上 人权问题真的被忽略了吗?
·“中国的长臂”:滕彪审视西方机构对华自我审查
·中国长臂迫使西方机构公司自我审查/RFA
·美退出人权理事会 滕彪呼吁应将人权与经贸利益挂钩
·“中国政治转变的可能前景”研讨会纪要
·滕彪:川普退出人权理事会是为人权?西藏、新疆民族自决
· The Second China human rights lawyers day
·第二届“中国人权律师节”将于7月8日在纽约举行
·【video】A message from a Chinese human rights lawyer
·【RFA中国热评】美中贸易战、 “七五”、“709案”
·回顾709案:中国迫害律师的第三波高潮
·中国人权律师节力赞人权律师的意义
·高智晟、王全璋获颁首届中国人权律师奖
·Chinese rights lawyers and international support
·高智晟王全璋纽约获人权律师奖 亲友代领
·709大抓捕三周年 境内外纷有声援行动/RFA
·Forced disappearances
·光荣的荆棘路——第二届中国人权律师节开幕短片(Openning film on the Sec
·用法律抗争与对法律宣战
·「709大抓捕」並非偶然…
·An Editor Speaks Out: Teng Biao, Darkness Before Dawn, and ABA
·中國假疫苗事件能夠杜絕?
·当局不解决人们提出的问题,而是〝解决〞提出问题的人们
·疫苗之殇还是贼喊捉贼/RFA
·The legal system is a battleground, and there’s no turning back
·A Call for a UN Investigation, and US Sanctions, on the Human Rights D
·关注新疆维吾尔自治区人权灾难的呼吁书
·警察街头扫描手机内容 新疆式维稳监控扩散
·The banned religious group that has China worried
·人间蒸发 强制失踪受害者日 家属焦急寻人
·中国留学生都是“007”?
·忧末日恐慌蔓延,中国围剿全能神教
·An Open Letter on Ilham Tohti’s Life
·关于伊力哈木生命致多国政府和欧盟理事会的公开信
·918 RESIST Xi Jinping
·公安部拟新规“维护”警察权威
·The United Nations, China, and Human Rights
·司法部整顿律师业:统统姓党
·美中媒体战?中国在美两大官媒被要求登记为外国代理
· Alphabet City Q&A with Teng Biao
·The Xinjiang Initiative
·无权者也是有力量的/RFA
·欧洲议会通过议案 促中共关闭新疆「集中营」
·China’s global challenge to democratic freedom
·彭斯講話揭新篇 預示對華政策大轉變
·彭斯講話揭新篇 預示對華政策大轉變
·欧洲议会通过议案 促中共关闭新疆「集中营」
·失踪的范冰冰与高智晟
·Chinese clients of New York ‘asylum mill’ lawyers face deportation t
·「千人计划」再受挫折 美籍华人学者涉儿童色情罪案及间谍活动
·"Vous pouvez facilement devenir fou"
·【纪录片】赫索格的日子
·【纪录片】:退无可退
·你很容易就發瘋了/眾新聞
·“合法化”集中营(滕彪)
·新西兰政治献金丑闻 中共渗透引关注
·中共治疆与恐怖主义、分裂主义、极端主义
·CCP’s involvement in higher education and on university campuses -
·新疆181座集中营 批量采购手铐电棍
·纪录片《对话》
·中共制造民族分裂 尊重维吾尔人民族自决权
·欲盖弥彰的暴行
·China Builds More Prisons in Xinjiang/RFA
· China’s global challenge to democratic freedom
·Global Information and Democracy Commission
·MEMBERS OF THE INFORMATION AND DEMOCRACY COMMISSION
·记者无国界发起【全球信息与民主委员会】
·International Declaration on Information and Democracy
·Global communication and information space: a common good of humankind
·UN review is critical chance for countries to change China's narrative
·联合国人权机制对中国有效吗?
·China’s ‘Perfect Dictatorship’ and Its Impact
·中共否认普世人权价值 外界吁警惕
·【中国热评】习思想“指导”人权道路?
·中国医疗专家因涉嫌参与非法活摘 被拒参加国际会议
·新疆集中營與高科技極權主義
·共产党是国民党的猪队友
·海外學者觀選:台灣人有自己的國家制度
·剖析中共特務郭文貴
·蓝天绿地之间的红色幽灵
·憂間諜活動 美擬加強對中國留學生背景調查
·華為掌門女兒孟晚舟加國被捕 被指違美國對伊朗制裁令
·2007年法国人权奖
·Person of the Week
·广西维权律师建民间模拟法庭 力阻冤假错案
·RIGHTS GROUPS TURN UP PRESSURE ON GOOGLE OVER CHINA CENSORSHIP
·纪念零八宪章十周年研讨会-滕彪谈参与过程
·法律人士批中共新法要公民协助提供情报
·孟晚舟案:戴手铐违反人权?
·零八宪章十周年与改革开放四十年
·中国人权白皮书:仍强调“生存权”
·华为风暴中的人权与法律
·夢遊畫展 "Dream Wandering" Exhibition
[列出本栏目所有内容]
欢迎在此做广告
Chinese activist scholar Teng Biao on how Occupy Central affects main

   
   01 October, 2014
   
   South China Morning Post
   


   Patrick Boehler
   
   
   In June, mainland Chinese scholar Teng Biao addressed a crowd of more than 100,000 in a speech at Hong Kong’s Victoria Park to mark the 25th anniversary of the crackdown on the Tiananmen movement in 1989. Four months later, Teng, one of the most prominent advocates in the mainland’s civil rights movement, says he is surprised by the scale of Hong Kong’s current pro-democracy civil disobedience movement.
   
   Speaking by phone from Harvard University, where he is now a visiting research fellow, Teng shares his impressions on Hong Kong’s protests and how they relate to political reform advocacy in the mainland in a conversation
   
   How do you feel about Occupy Central in Hong Kong?
   
   Occupy Central has grown and has turned into Occupy Hong Kong. We never imagined it would reach this scale and become the Umbrella Revolution it now is.
   
   It seems that the demonstrators are in a difficult position; they cannot give in. Emotions have been rising. Many more joined when they saw police use tear gas. The government can also not give in. It is very clear that it is naïve to expect they would allow genuine universal suffrage in Hong Kong. There is a also concern [in the government] that the democracy issue could spread to other parts of China.
   
   What do you expect the outcome of the protests in Hong Kong will be?
   
   It is very difficult to say, both sides don’t compromise. The likelihood of violence continues to exist and could even increase as protests continue. Of course, one important demand by the protesters is for Leung Chun-ying to step down as chief executive.
   
   I think his resignation is something Beijing could accept, even though it won’t be easy to accept. But his resignation would not in any way affect Hong Kong’s democratisation process. They swap the man, but don’t swap the system.
   
   There has been much talk about anti-mainland sentiment in Hong Kong. What role do you see it play in the current protests?
   
   The impact of indigenisation (本土化) in Hong Kong is certainly getting bigger and bigger. But the main demand among protesters relates to the free election of Hong Kong’s chief executive in 2017. So, I think, some anti-mainland sentiment is part of this movement, but it is certainly not dominant.
   
   Firstly, because the independence of Hong Kong is impossible. Secondly, because Hongkongers see that many people in the mainland support this movement in Hong Kong.
   
   What is the sentiment on Occupy among advocates for political reform in the mainland you have talked to?
   
   Many people in the mainland, including human rights defenders and activists, are looking at what is happening in Hong Kong. It is not only a crucial moment in the democratisation of Hong Kong, it is also an opportunity to promote democratisation in the mainland. They know that they and those in this Umbrella Revolution are challenging the same [thing] -- the Communist Party’s autocratic rule. I think, Hong Kong’s political movement [for political reform] and the mainland’s have become closer. Like I said in Victoria Park, if the mainland doesn’t have democracy, Hong Kong will never have real democracy.
   
   How do you think Occupy will affect the Chinese leadership’s attitude to domestic dissent?
   
   I worry that persecution will intensify. The government’s persecution of dissent in the mainland has been strict and has become more so over the last year. They can only become more anxious, fearing that there is a domestic threat to their rule. It is very hard to predict what will happen in the mainland, but it is certain that Hong Kong will be affected by the increasing persecution on the mainland.
   
   The central leadership might make some compromises in the process, but these could also give them space to manipulate. In moments of great pressure, they could make some promises, but once that crisis is over, who can keep them from breaking the promises?
   
   Teng Biao, 41, gained prominence for successfully challenging the illegal detention of migrant workers after one such worker, Sun Zhigang, died in police custody in Guangzhou in 2003. Over the years, the law lecturer at China University of Political Science and Law and civil-rights lawyer was involved in the New Citizen Movement, which calls for the protection of citizens’ rights enshrined in the Chinese constitution, and for more government transparency. Before he joined Harvard earlier this year, he was a visiting scholar at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.
(2014/10/01 发表)
blog comments powered by Disqus

©Boxun News Network All Rights Reserved.
所有栏目和文章由作者或专栏管理员整理制作,均不代表博讯立场