滕彪文集
[主页]->[独立中文笔会]->[滕彪文集]->[Tiananmen at 25: China's next revolution may already be underway]
滕彪文集
·Human Rights Lawyer Teng Biao/Total Prestige Magazine
·中国反腐模式是制度失败的产物
·时事大家谈:敢言学者许章润遭撤职,习近平欲令天下无声?
·Open Recommendation to Conduct Constitutional Review on the “Law of t
·Xi's war on thought
·China's enforced disappearance
·教授因言获罪 学生告密 中国离文革有多远?
·中欧人权对话欧盟提出释放名单 中方取消与非政府组织的对话
·The Shadow of the “China Miracle”
·中国维权运动的起起落落 (上)
·如果张扣扣案发生在美国/VOA
·「人权观察」报告揭新疆公安用手机APP全方位监控穆斯林
·西方企业乃中共「高科技极权」帮凶
·不在場的倖存者 用維權記住六四
·北京的网络监控审查与西方公司的协助/VOA
·滕彪(下):维权运动的“政治化” 和“非政治化”
·中国黑监狱大观
·新疆维稳模式蔓延世界 引发人权担忧
·谢伦伯格和孟晚舟案的关联,死与不死,是个问题
·President Xi’s Effort To Remake Chinese Society
·国际刑警组织前主席孟宏伟的妻儿获法国政治庇护
·中共撕毁一国两制香港没抗争沦陷得更快
·天安門屠殺與高科技極權主義
·极权主义转型之路 中共学到什么?
·精神上的六四倖存者滕彪 投入維權終不悔
·你掉到黑洞就出不來
·特朗普会撼动北京高科技极权的牙齿吗?
·特朗普会撼动北京高科技极权的牙齿吗?
·Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen says Tiananmen crackdown highlights n
·台总统蔡英文会见中国异见人士
·六四临近30周年之际 台湾强调捍卫自身民主
·背靠中共助纣为虐,外企帮习近平建立暴政统治!
·Taiwan's President Meets With Tiananmen Massacre Veterans Ahead of Ann
·西藏团体与中国维权律师在印北达兰萨拉一同纪念六四屠杀
·在政治文明与公民社会方面中国应向藏人学习
· Avec le massacre de Tiananmen, le Parti communiste chinois a promu l
·China Since Tiananmen: Not a Dream but a Nightmare
·Teng Biao – His Tiananmen Awakening
·六四三0
·八九六四與西藏問題/專訪滕彪
·天安门屠杀与集中营
·What It's Like To Live With A Foot In China, Another In The U.S.
·E se Tiananmen fosse agora? Entrevista a quatro ativistas chineses
·China Since Tiananmen: Not a Dream but a Nightmare
·How the Tiananmen Square Massacre Changed China Forever
·Human Rights Lawyer Fled China But Still Feels Its Influence
·HOW HAS CHINA CHANGED POLITICALLY SINCE THE ICONIC STUDENT PROTESTS?
·六四30周年 陸民運人士盼世界助中國民主化
·貿易掛鉤中國人權 西方提聯合戰略
·蔡英文總統會見華人民主書院訪賓
·習近平体制は史上初のハイテク・ファシズム
·Remembering Tiananmen/Straits Times
·自由不是一個禮物,而是一個任務
·世界における民主主義の後退と市民社会
·中國流亡律師滕彪勉「反送中」別退卻
·中國當局拒延維權律師的執照/BBC
·打到中共要害 各國應效仿
·‘I cannot be silent, and I cannot give up’
·China’s Privileging of “Mr. Science” over “Mr. Democracy”
·Don’t Aid and Abet China’s Surveillance State
·在台北616“反送中”集會上的演講
·湖南“校园操场埋尸案”揭示了什么?
·TIBET CAMPAIGNERS LAUD SUCCESS AFTER GOOGLE CONFIRMS: “NO PLANS TO OF
·Teng Biao’s Statement at a media briefing against Google’s Project D
·香港「一國兩制」為何變了調?
·从天安门到香港
·short-term benefits vs. universal values
·Censorship is closing China's young minds
·江天勇李文足連線台北 感謝關注中國律師處境
·臺律師人權界聲援為法輪功辯護六律師
·「綏靖政策」與「惠台政策」的反思
·第三屆中國人權律師節 唐荊陵獲獎
·第二届中国人权律师奖颁奖辞
·「709事件」四週年 中國法治嚴重滑坡
·709四周年:中国法治恶化 香港反弹
· 709大抓捕对维权律师是一个“清洗”
·"Alle sind vorsichtiger geworden"
·中共用校園“七不講”窒息年輕人
·【30張影像、30個故事 — 六四30週年座談會】
·中共的网络主权论与世界人权宣言
·中共指使黑帮祸害香港
·外國企業在中國助紂為虐應充分重視
·新疆模式扩大 粤公安采集「口水样本」 监控时代 2.0来临
·Guangdong Police Take Saliva Samples Amid Fears of Nationwide DNA Prog
·人权活动家接受自由之家采访 见证法轮功反迫害20年历程
·香港下一步 可能從打人變成打死人
·追寻高智晟
·“The Bravest Lawyer in China” – Gao Zhisheng
·L’AVOCAT LE PLUS COURAGEUX DE CHINE
·人權律師建議 以2022北京冬奧向中共施壓
·反送中與六四
·大陆网军抹黑香港示威者 推特和脸书暂停大量中国帐号
·"Ce totalitarisme high tech est sans précédent"
·Disparitions forcées en Chine : un système rodé et institutionnalis
·Disappearing in China
·中共或採取化整為零的屠殺方式嚇退香港抗爭者
·Cambridge Forum 911
· ‘I thought they might kill me’
·China: Arrests, Disappearances Require International Response/HRW
·报道香港抗议持「中共立场」 中国环球电视网遭英监管机构调查
·"El régimen dictatorial de China no durará mucho más"
[列出本栏目所有内容]
欢迎在此做广告
Tiananmen at 25: China's next revolution may already be underway


   
   Chinese seeking political reform know that it must come from within.
   Chris Horton
   May 10, 2014 02:29

   
   
   Chinese police confront anti-Japanese demonstrators irate about the disputed Diaoyu Islands, in September 2012 in Shenzhen. But 25 years after Tiananmen, will protesters ever rise up en masse against the Communist Party?
   
   HONG KONG — On June 4, a quarter century will have passed since the defining moment of post-Mao China, when the People’s Liberation Army's bloody crackdown destroyed a peaceful citizens’ movement demanding political change in Beijing.
   
   A perennial question as the anniversary approaches is whether the Chinese people will ever again attempt to force their one-party government to change.
   
   But just as the tensions that culminated in blood 25 years ago had actually been building up for years, the Communist Party of China appears to be dealing with another widespread buildup of dissatisfied citizens.
   
   This time around, things are much different. China is more open to the world than ever. Its internet, despite heavy censorship, is still a valuable platform for sharing ideas.
   
   And a growing number of citizens are willing to go to prison for their beliefs.
   
   
   “The central government’s attitude is ‘grab the big, release the small’”
   
   GlobalPost spoke with three vocal critics of China’s political status quo: a Tiananmen survivor, a lawyer, and a writer. Despite diverse backgrounds, they agree that the party will not reform itself of its own free will, nor will outside pressure force it to do so.
   
   Change is necessary, they say, and must come from the Chinese people.
   
   The Communist Party’s standard defense for its actions in 1989 — when (at least) hundreds of civilian demonstrators and some soldiers died — is that the protesters wanted to plunge the country into chaos. By crushing the movement, the party preserved stability, paving the way for great improvement in the Chinese people’s lives. Indeed, in the ensuing quarter century China rose from poverty to become the world’s second-biggest economy.
   
   Rose Tang, a former Tiananmen student activist who is now a Brooklyn-based writer and artist, agrees that things have gotten better in her homeland — with one important caveat.
   
   
   
   
   
   
   “China has improved tremendously,” said Tang. “But only for the government and some others, most notably the 0.1 percent. Some people are actually worse off, including peasants, laid-off workers, the urban poor and senior citizens. Overall, the air, water, soil, food and healthcare have all worsened. China is on the way to becoming a living hell.”
   
   Tang said the Chinese people are plagued by a “slave mentality” that prevents challenging authority. But this is changing, she noted, especially through the growing numbers of people attempting to change the country via the courts or the internet, neither of which were options in 1989.
   
   “The brainwashed mentality remains strong, such as the loyalty to the nation, considering Tibet and Xinjiang as historical parts of China, and the false confidence that China is a superpower,” she said. “But awareness of the power of the individual in China has definitely risen.”
   
   New movement brewing
   
   The New Citizens’ Movement is one of many manifestations of this growing sense of individual power. Spearheaded by rights lawyers, journalists and other intellectuals, the grassroots group does not propose overthrowing the Communist Party. Rather, it advocates that everyone — including the party — act within the confines of China’s constitution and laws.
   
   Hardly the rhetoric of revolution, but Beijing obviously feels threatened and is doing all it can to quash the movement, a decision which could backfire.
   
   The Chinese government often accuses proponents of “gathering a crowd to disturb public order,” a crime which carries a maximum sentence of five years’ imprisonment. Non-hierarchical and without formal membership, the movement’s nebulous nature — anyone that agrees with its reasonable aims could be a "member" — likely adds to government fears.
   
   On April 18 in Beijing, four movement activists were handed prison sentences ranging from two to three-and-a-half years. Their crime: demanding that party officials disclose their financial assets. Days earlier, lawyer and movement initiator Xu Zhiyong, sentenced to four years in prison in January, was denied an appeal. Xu had organized demonstrations pushing for financial transparency among officials, as well as equal education for China’s tens of millions of rural students.
   
   Other participants in the New Citizens’ Movement are also in detention awaiting trial, but some are now outside of China. Teng Biao, a visiting scholar at Chinese University of Hong Kong and a lawyer who has worked with Xu and others on high-profile civil rights cases since 2003, continues to advocate civil and political rights for all Chinese.
   
   Teng notes that there is a “large gap” between political systems envisioned by the Chinese government and Chinese civil rights advocates. He says his main objective is to establish a constitutional democracy that respects civil and political rights.
   
   “Constitutional democracy has a few basic requirements, such as separation of powers, an independent judiciary and universal suffrage,” Teng said, adding that democracy and rule of law, rather than rule of man, are also primary goals.
   
   Maintaining an iron grip on power
   
   China’s government targets anyone outside party control whose ideas could go viral, according to movement proponent Chen Min. Better known in China by his pen name, Xiao Shu, he was previously chief opinion columnist at the progressive Guangzhou-based newspaper Southern Weekend and is now a visiting scholar at Columbia University.
   
   “The central government’s attitude is ‘grab the big, release the small,’” he said. “Small or fringe elements are not usually bothered with, nor are they able to be. But because anything receiving the sympathy and support of mainstream society is capable of merging with society and possibly growing in strength, regardless of whether it is mild or militant, legal or illegal, if it cannot be usurped and maintains its independence, it must be roundly smashed.”
   
   The US and others still criticize China’s human rights record, but after years of rapidly growing economic and trade ties, the West’s approach to issues such as China’s intense censorship regime or crackdowns on Tibetans and Uighurs has little effect on decision-making in Beijing.
   
   “China is economically very powerful now, it can ignore international pressure on human rights and minorities,” Teng said, adding that China’s cooperation on terrorism and North Korea also make the West fearful of offending Beijing.
   
   Tang says that by prioritizing economic relations with China over human rights, many countries weakened their own diplomatic leverage.
   
   “The US and Western governments' approach to China since ’89 has weakened. Now they allow themselves to be bullied by China, fearing they'll lose their trading partner, investment base, supplier or market.”
   
   “Most of those who ordered the troops to clear Tiananmen have died, but the regime remains the same, and in a way, has become more thuggish because of the lack of outside pressure,” she adds. “I doubt there'll be another Tiananmen massacre with tanks and troops slaughtering people, but I do worry that things could turn violent because too many people have been suppressed for too long.”
   
   When asked whether he thought peaceful political change in China was possible, Xiao said it didn’t matter.
   
   “Even if it’s impossible, we must try hard,” he said. “We must explore every possible method to effect peaceful change.”
   
   http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/regions/asia-pacific/china/140506/tiananmen-at-25-chinas-next-revolution-already-here

[下一页]
blog comments powered by Disqus
blog comments powered by Disqus

©Boxun News Network All Rights Reserved.
所有栏目和文章由作者或专栏管理员整理制作,均不代表博讯立场