百家争鸣
郭国汀律师专栏
[主页]->[百家争鸣]->[郭国汀律师专栏]->[阿拉伯之春:突尼斯成功的革命 ]
郭国汀律师专栏
***(1)中共极权暴政的最新反人类罪:活体盗卖法轮功学员人体器官专栏
·郭国汀 中共活摘器官是真的!
·中共为何纵容活体盗卖法轮功信徒的人体器官Why the CCP Harvests the Living Falun Gong
·BLOODY HARVEST Organ of Falun Gong
·活体盗人体器官关健证人调查纪录
·惊天罪孽 铁证如山
·郭国汀:苏家屯事件敲响了中共的丧钟
·郭国汀:苏家屯事件是真实的
·郭国汀:西方媒体报导苏家屯是个时间问题
·西方媒体首次报导苏家屯事件!
·中共活割法轮功学员人体器官主调查人DADID Matas 获Tarnopolsky 2007年人权奖(英文)
***(2)郭国汀律师为法轮功强力抗辩
·Resolution for Falun Gong in Congress of USA
·法轮圣徒瞿延来为何令南郭敬重?答MICRONET有关瞿延来的质疑
·中共为何血腥镇压法轮功?
·诉江泽民案美国依据国际法的义务:是对公共安全的危胁还是种族灭绝?
·值得中国律师学习的起诉书: 诉江泽民\李岚清\罗干\刘京\王茂林损害赔偿两千万加元
·郭国汀论辩法轮功
·我为法轮功说句公道话
·陈光辉监外执行、保外就医申请书
·为争取信仰自由权已绝食抗争七百八十天的瞿延来.
·百无一用是中国律师
·答三项基本原则
·中共必须立即停止镇压法轮功
·我为什么为法轮功辩护? 郭国汀
·我为法轮功抗辩的真实心声
·法轮功真相之我见
·中共才是真正的邪教----中共血腥残暴迫害法轮功的根源
·中共镇压法轮功的国际法分析
·中共滥用教制度镇压法轮功的法理解析
·当代中国的盖世太宝[610办公室]研究(英文)
·有感于对法轮功学员的强制教育
·中共当局必须立即无条件释放刘如平律师!郭国汀
·声援支持杨在新律师!
·郭国汀章天亮曾宁谈425和平上访到千万退党的精神延续
·中共专制暴政一直在杀人----悼念讲真相英雄陈光辉
·FALUN GONG PERSECUTION FACTS HEET
·RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND FALUN GONG IN CHINA
·2
·Falun Gong Wins Motion in Historic Torture Lawsuit against Former Head of China
·为法轮功抗辩与自由中国论坛部份网民的论战
·Dr Wang Wenyi will be remembered by history as a great courage hero
·法轮功是比中共有过之无不及的一人专制吗?-答谭嗣同先生
·法轮功讲真相无罪
·郭国汀:对法轮功学员的劳教、判刑是非法行为
·郭国汀介绍为法轮功学员打官司的曲折经历
·质疑张千帆教授对法轮功的评价 郭国汀
·宣誓证词Affidavit
·中共一贯谎言连篇是个地道的骗子党!
·中共下达密文奥运成迫害最大借口
·中国著名人权律师从为法轮功辩护看中共践踏法律(图)
·郭国汀律师批评中共奧運前加劇迫害法輪功
·郭国汀律师呼吁台湾政府予吴亚林政治庇护
·郭国汀律师称中共持续非法迫害法轮功及其辩护律师
·答Gavin0919郭国汀是法轮功走狗之指控
***(3)郭国汀为法轮功辩护的专访
·专访郭国汀律师(上) :为法轮功辩护
·专访郭国汀律师(下) :回首不言悔
·RFA:郭国汀介绍为法轮功学员打官司的曲折经历
·自由亞洲電台专访郭國汀谈為法輪功學員打官司
·希望之声郭国汀专访:对法轮功学员的劳教、判刑是非法行为
***(三)郭国汀律师为郑恩宠抗辩
·我为郑恩宠律师抗辩的前前后后
·为郑恩宠案翟明磊等中国新闻记者六君子的声明
·敬请关注郑恩宠律师所谓"非法获取国家秘密罪"一案
·历史将证明郑恩宠律师无罪/郭国汀
·郑恩宠案二审辩护词及网友评论/郭国汀
·关于会见在押的郑恩宠的第二次申请函
·郑恩宠律师“为境外非法提供国家秘密罪”一审判决书
·上海市高级法院郑恩宠案刑事裁定书
·郑恩宠冤案再审案至全国律协诸位会长之公开函/郭国汀
·中国最需要像郑恩宠这样的律师
·诽谤郑恩宠律师的中共党奴及特务名录
·再谈郑恩宠案 郭国汀倡律师网上辩护
·我为郑恩宠辩护的前前后后 郭国汀
·上海普通市民感受的郑恩宠大律师
·关于郑恩宠案我的声明
·我为郑恩宠律师辩护
·一切源于郑恩宠案,可敬的国安兄弟请自重!
·郑恩宠聘请辩护人的真相
·郑恩宠聘请辩护律师真相之二
·真为这位北京律师脸红!
·张思之大律师冒着酷暑赴看守所会见郑恩宠
·上海监狱当局婉拒郑恩宠的辩护律师会见
·关于会见在押的郑恩宠的第二次申请函
·揭开“时代精英“画皮
·答时代精英,
·再答时代精英教导
·向张思之律师,郑恩宠律师学习,致敬!
·南郭:仗义执言的律师还是没良心的律师
·驳“文律”兄郑案高论/南郭
·中国最需要像郑恩宠这样的律师
·凡跟郭国汀贴者一律入选黑名单
·批驳李洪东之首恶律师说!
·历史岂容任意伪造!
·惊闻郑恩宠律师夫人蒋美丽被拘捕!
[列出本栏目所有内容]
欢迎在此做广告
阿拉伯之春:突尼斯成功的革命

阿拉伯之春:突尼斯成功的革命

   

   郭国汀编译

   

   

   起因于2010年底世界粮食危机引发的广泛不满。2010年12月17日一名大学毕业后失业的青年穆罕默德(Mohammed Bouazzizi),由于城管粗暴地借口他没有合法营业执照没收了他的水果摊,因不堪忍受而自焚抗议身亡(阿里家族通过其夫人却通过控制经济大腐败贪污)。引发公众广泛同情,抗议自1991年以来的阿里政权的自发示威游行由当地的贸易联合会分支机构组织并得到律师界及记者的支持。迅速发展成一场全国要求阿里总统下台的声势浩大的社会运动。2011年1月14日阿里携家逃亡沙特,统治了突尼斯23年的阿里政权随之垮台,随后制定新的民主宪法。

   

   突尼斯革命的特点有如下几点:首先,阿里未摧毁突尼斯传统的自治组织,贸易联合会(GUTT)特别是其地方机构仍有相当行动自治;由律师、记者组成的全国人权组织the Ligue Tunisienne des Droits de l'Homme and, later, the Comité National des Libertés en Tunisie,虽然在1990年代受当局严重限制,亦起到了半公开的作用。其次,突尼斯有很强的宪政传统。在法国殖民当局尊守1881年条约,而突尼斯1860年即制定了阿拉伯世界第一部宪法。历来允许有限的政治多元化,因为担忧伊斯兰教势力过大1980年后许可世俗政党与政府合作。第三,突尼斯军队素来不干政,仅在1984年唯一一次应总统命令为恢复秩序(由于严重的粮食危机引发的社会动乱)。因此军队拒绝执行向示威民众开枪的命令。该政权的真正核心是theRCD 党,2011年2月6日突尼斯法院正式裁定解散该党,因此突尼斯革命取得了实质成功。

   

   

   Demonstrations in Tunisia began, asmentioned above, over the issue of

   the sudden escalation of food prices in late2010. The situation,

   however, was transformed by the self-immolation ofMohammed Bouazzizi

   on 17 December in the central Tunisian town of Sidi Bou Zid, in

   response to the way in which he had been treated bythe local

   authorities after his fruit-and-vegetable stall was seized, ostensibly

   because he lacked the appropriate municipal licence.His personal

   sacrifice immediately came to symbolise the generalised popular

   disgust with the repressive contempt that the BenAli regime voiced

   towards its population, alongside widespread angerat the way in which

   the president's family, led by his wife, Leila Trabulsi, had plundered

   the Tunisian economy through its corrupt control of the private sector.

   Spontaneous demonstrations in sympathy with MohammedBouazzizi's

   action were soon taken in hand by local branches of the UGTT, together

   with representatives of lawyers associations andjournalists. They

   organised a series of rolling demonstrations around the country,

   culminating in major demonstrations in the capital Tunis, in protest

   against the regime's repressive policiessince 1991, when it had first

   turned on the country's Islamist movement, Annahda. Very rapidly the

   demonstrations coalesced around a demand for theremoval of the Ben

   Ali regime from power. On 14 January, thepresident stepped down and

   fled Tunisia for Saudi Arabia, thus bringing his 23-year-long regime

   to an end. Subsequently, a lengthy denouement eventually saw the

   single political party, the Rassemblement Culturelle et Démocratique

   (RCD), dismantled and a complex process for drawing up a new

   democratic constitution begin.

   

   

   There are several aspects to this narrative that are worthy of note.

   Firstis the fact that there were clearly traditions ofautonomous

   expression in Tunisia whichhad not been crushed by the Ben Ali

   regime. The trade union movement, the UGTT,is one for, although its

   central administration was repeatedly disciplined by the regime, both

   under President Habib Bourguiba and under the Ben Ali regime, its

   local branches preserved a considerable degree ofautonomy of action.

   Alongside this were the country's human rightsorganisations – the

   Ligue Tunisienne des Droits de l'Homme and, later, the Comité National

   des Libertés en Tunisie which, although emasculated in the 1990s,

   nonetheless continued to play a semi-clandestinerole. It was

   buttressed by lawyers, independent journalists and,later by bloggers

   and internet journalists.[1]

   

   

   Secondly,there is a very strong tradition ofconstitutionalism in

   Tunisia; all the country's major political movements,from the start

   of the twentieth century onwards – the Destour, the Neo-Destour, the

   Parti Socialiste Destourien and the RCD – derive their legitimacy from

   the fact that they claim their origins in a movement – the Destour

   (‘Constitution’) – set up to persuade the Frenchoccupying authorities

   to honour both the terms of the Treaty of La Bardo which introduced

   the French Protectorate in 1881 and theTunisian Constitution,

   promulgated in 1860 and the first constitution inthe Arab world. This

   tradition always hindered the regime from being as repressive as it

   would have liked to be and made sure that it took care to allow

   limited political pluralism, provided that this never threatened the

   hegemony of the RCD. Indeed the secular political parties that were

   permitted after 1980 often collaborated withthe regime because of

   their fear of Islamism.[2]

   It was when the presidency breached this principleof formal

   constitutionality, by altering the constitution in order to allow the

   incumbent to stand for more than two terms and instituting a bicameral

   parliamentary assembly to entrench RCD control that its support-base

   began to fragment, as had its predecessor's over similar issues in the

   1980s.[3]

   Thirdly,although the regime had ensured its hegemonyby the social

   coalitions it had made and by its control of the security services, it

   had also traditionally marginalised the Tunisian army to ensure that

   it could never be a threat. Thus the army had onlytaken part in

   political affairs once in 1984 when it was brought in by President

   Bourguiba to restore order after severe food riots. Otherwise its

   officers were profoundly apolitical and were neverencouraged to take

   part in political affairs, even within the RCD which was, effectively,

   Tunisia's single political party. In parallel with this, internal

   security duties were undertaken by the policeand the security

   services which were increasingly used to cow the population and

   dissuade it from political engagement. For the Tunisian middle class,

   this meant that economic prosperity wasoffered as an alternative,

   whilst the impoverished working class and the peasantry was, when

   needed, repressed. There was, after all, the spectre of what had

   happened in the early 1990s to remind the population of regime power

   and determination. Then the country's Islamist movement, An-Nahda, had

   been brutally dismantled after it had tried to participate in the

   pluralistic polity that the Ben Ali regime had promised in 1989, just

   after it had come to power.

   It was, therefore, hardly surprising that, once Mohammed Bouazzizi's

   spectacular self-sacrifice had become the catalyst, transforming the

   anger over economic deprivation into politicalprotest, that there

   were organisations ready and able to create apowerful social movement

   out of the popular disgust at regimecorruption and repression and

   targeted at removing it. Interestingly enough, however, the initial

   target was the president and his family, not the massive structure of

   the RCD which was the real core of the regime.And, even more

   striking, it was because the regime had alwaysexcluded the Tunisian

   army from a political role that it finally collapsed, for the army

   refused to fire on demonstrators when ordered to do so and, in the

   face of the evidence of the inability of the policeand security

   forces to control the demonstrations, it was the RCD leadership itself

   that decided that, to preserve its own power, thepresident and his

   family had to be sacrificed. Only then did the demonstrators turn

   their anger against the RCD as it tried to hang onto power. There

   ensued a lengthy tussle between continuing demonstrations and the

   party, as the latter tried to reconstruct government under its

   control. It was only on 6 February 2011, three weeks after the

   president had been deposed, that the party itselfwas formally

   dissolved by a Tunisian court and the Tunisian revolution had achieved

   its primary objective, the dissolution of a regime that had been

   effectively in power since independence in 1956.

   

   [1] Alexander,op.cit; pp. 64–65.

   

   [2] Alexander,op.cit; p. 66.

[下一页]
blog comments powered by Disqus

©Boxun News Network All Rights Reserved.
所有栏目和文章由作者或专栏管理员整理制作,均不代表博讯立场