人生感怀
[发表评论] [查看此文评论]    奇麗想像
[主页]->[人生感怀]->[奇麗想像]->[美聯社專訪總統報導與答覆原文對照 ]
奇麗想像
·恬淡如水_喜宴21-4全都是我
·恬淡如水_昨天21-5低语呢喃
·恬淡如水_真相21-6永不后悔
·恬淡如水_舞会21-7新年快乐
·恬淡如水_自知21-8奇异恩典
·恬淡如水_纯洁21-9出乎意外
·恬淡如水_关心21-10真相大白
论坛 时评
·拿起刀笔吧!!!
·2009新退党中心新发给全国人民的"新九评"!
·正文:2009新退党中心新发给全国人民的"新九评"!
·亦忱,100%的伪善者,你有个狗PPP自由!!!!
·所有的释放政治犯呼吁,都应该建立在马上废除共产党上!
·革命是日常生活!!!
·雪的尽头,抚平伤害!
·零九宪章!!!
·中国早就死透透了,起来复活吧!!!
·祝福2009平安喜乐!
·中共才是中国的叛徒,大陆独立是大陆人民基本选项!
·可以害怕战争,却不能畏惧战争!!!
·共产党是非法的,一点也不正当!
·2009中国人最重要的事,就是废除一党专政!
·自由民主直选总统,才是中国人的道路!
·中华民族最猛的十句话!!!
·自由民主远胜独裁暴政!!!
·大对联
·乐观开朗劝告中国人(文雅宁静体)
·文雅宁静的革命!!!
·宁静革命,偶然间发现的视频!
·三不三要=不要一党专政=要自由选举,不要计生院=要卫生所,不要宗教院=要宗教自由!
·去台湾注册合法政党!!!
·王金波:“计划生育”政策的罪恶
·不爱签就别签,也不要去妨碍别人签!
·徐友渔:我为什么在零八宪章上签名?
·不要缅怀毛僵尸,要自由选举总统!
·中华民国国旗歌!!!
·中华民国国歌!!!
·黄金运台的大谎言 !!!
·中国才是世界上最苦难的国家!!!
·狗屎共的五毛,全都只配去死!
·觉醒的中国!!!
·请拿起菜刀保护妇幼!!!
·没人选的毛邓江胡,都是中国人的“误判”!!!
·中国共产党,就是永远的叛国者,永远是可恨的!!!
恬淡如水二十二章 陪你
·恬淡如水_及格22-1身不由己
·恬淡如水_需要22-2与事无补
·恬淡如水_释怀22-3自在生活
·恬淡如水_退出22-4寒流过境
·恬淡如水_选择22-5随缘顺境
·恬淡如水_红包22-6唱和分享
·恬淡如水_犹豫22-7不勘回首
·恬淡如水_满足22-8幸福生活
·恬淡如水_幼稚22-9年货大街
·恬淡如水_新年22-10自由选择
论坛 时评
·大陆的前途由大陆十三亿同胞人民决定!周同才100% 是个P!
·人民小公仆
·胡儿子锦涛的“六点主张”:马总桶大人的“六项声明”
·奋起吧2009!中华民族,打击恐怖共匪组织!
·不要脸的过渡政府,收啥ppp税!!!
·宋石男,请你去自杀比较快!
·士兵歌,心的平静!
·起义歌--打倒共产党,直选大总统
·《回家》冷清
·觉醒的中国人!
·Obama's inaugural speech
·欧巴马就职演说中译全文!
·大陆人应该废除计生服务站,广设卫生所!
·转眼成灰!...你是谁?
恬淡如水二十三章 平常
·恬淡如水_平常23-1轻轻听你
·恬淡如水_心疼23-2释放感觉
·恬淡如水_真的23-3如此爱你
·恬淡如水_平安23-4掌管明天
·恬淡如水_波涛23-5简短信息
·恬淡如水_排解23-6暗香疏影
·恬淡如水_断肠23-7怨怀难当
·恬淡如水_水仙23-8沉淀心情
·恬淡如水_静女23-9搔首踟蹰
·恬淡如水_落花23-10辜负香衾
论坛 时评
·敬告胡祈先生,错在哪!
·敬告向前进先生,请将死人毛泽东烧一烧+埋一埋!
·共产党就是五星镰刀苏奴缩头大乌龟!!!
·倡议:将毛主席烧一烧+埋一埋!
·随想胡祈先生为共产党一党一胎的心灵深层剖析!
·敬告胡祈先生,论语很好圣经也很棒! !
·敬告版主大人,我很有爱心啦!!!
恬淡如水二十四章 太平
·恬淡如水_乐闲24-1醉太平曲
·恬淡如水_电影24-2岸上波妞
·恬淡如水_金龙24-3舍不得你
·恬淡如水_无题24-4时间的流
·恬淡如水_代价24-5爱情迷雾
·恬淡如水_欢娱24-6万般空想
·恬淡如水_一半24-7全部的爱
·恬淡如水_不安24-8红颜为谁
·恬淡如水_失语24-9转身读你
·恬淡如水_情人24-10甜心巧克力
论坛 时评
[列出本栏目所有内容]
欢迎在此做广告
美聯社專訪總統報導與答覆原文對照

美聯社專訪總統報導與答覆原文對照
   
   公布日期 中華民國99年10月19日
   
     馬英九總統今日接受美聯社專訪,美聯社最後刊出的報導內容與馬總統接受採訪時的談話原意不同,本府已透過行政院新聞局向美聯社要求更正。

   
     首先,在有關統一的問題上,美聯社在報導中表示:
     Any political union, he said, would require Beijing to adopt democracy and respect for human rights, under special scrutiny following the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to jailed China democracy campaigner Liu Xiaobo. Because of such concerns, Ma did not cite any timetable for the process, saying it would be a "long historical" transition.
   
     馬總統指出,兩岸政治統一須以中國大陸採取民主制度且尊重人權為前提…。
   
     惟實際的訪談錄音逐字內容如下:
     AP: I wanted to circle back to something you said earlier. I think what I heard you say was that a truly democratic system of government in the mainland is the only way that the Taiwanese people will engage in a conversation about unification.
   
     President Ma: I think that will help, that will help. In other words, but there’s no guarantee how long it would take for the people of Taiwan to believe it’s time to do so. And opinion polls show that the majority of the people support maintaining the status quo. And obviously this trend has been maintained for over at least 20 years. And given the high approval rate of the status quo I think we’ll continue. So far, the mainland, aside from the economic side, the political reforms on the democratic side have made little progress.
   
     美聯社:我想要回到前面您提到的部分。我想我剛才聽到閣下表示,一個真正的民主體制政府在中國大陸出現,是台灣民眾唯一會考量與中國大陸就統一進行對話的途徑。
   
     總統:我想那會有幫助,會有幫助。換言之,台灣民眾需要多長時間才會認為是時候來做這件事,這並沒有辦法保證。民調顯示,大部分的民眾是支持維持現狀。而顯然這樣的趨勢已經維持了至少超過20年之久。從目前高比例支持維持現狀的情況來看,我想還會持續下去。到目前為止,撇開經濟面向,中國大陸在政治上朝向民主的改革仍然鮮有進展。
   
     其次,針對兩岸談判政治協議問題,美聯社在報導中表示:
     In between the poles of union and separation, Ma said his government is prepared to discuss political agreements, including security issues, as soon as the priority economic issues are dealt with. He suggested that those political talks could start as early as a second four-year term if he wins re-election in 2012.
   
     惟根據現場錄音的逐字記錄,馬總統並未作上述表示。
   
     針對相關議題的錄音逐字稿如下:
     AP: Would the policy that you’re spelling out carry through a second term, were you to be reelected? Is just this period that you’re talking about—of economic outreach, travel back and forth but not political dialogue—does that carry through a second administration, or is that a commitment that you made for the first administration?
   
     President Ma: Well, it depends on how fast we move with our relations with the mainland. For instance, now, we are almost two-and-a-half years into my presidency and we have achieved 14 agreements with the mainland. But we haven’t finished the important ones, for instance, an investment guarantee agreement, a dispute settlement agreement. And for our trade, in terms of tariff concessions and non-tariff barriers, we have only reached the first phase on the negotiations—that is what we call the “early harvest.” So the two sides will return to the negotiating table next year to discuss the rest of the trade and other relationships. So we still have our hands full with all these economic issues because, you see, the two sides have a trade volume of overUS$100 billion and we haven’t got any mechanism for dispute settlement and for a number of things that will exist between two normal economic entities. That is exactly what we want to do. We are not intentionally delaying the talks of political issues, but certainly, the economic ones are more important to people here, and people also support the idea of economy first, politics later.
   
     AP: So, do I understand you correctly that, if economic issues are resolved during your second term, during that term, you might move on to political questions?
   
     President Ma: As I said, it depends on how fast we move, whether these issues are satisfactorily resolved, and of course all the policies regarding the mainland are very sensitive, and we certainly will also make decisions on generally whether the decision receives popular support. So usually when we lay out our general policy, we will say that: first of all, it has to be something needed by the country; secondly, it has to be supported by the people; and thirdly, that it will be supervised by the national parliament to make surethat this is a policy basically meeting the needs of the people.
   
     AP: In that progression from economic issues to political issues, what about the security issues and perhaps moving towards confidence-building measures between the militaries, where does that fall in this process?
   
     President Ma: The CBM issue is generally considered in the broad sense of political issues. And certainly as I said, that will come after all the major economic issues are resolved. But we’re not in a hurry because the two sides, as a result of the efforts we’ve made, greatly reduced tension across the Taiwan Strait. When we talk about CBM—confidence building measures—when we signed, when we negotiated and signed the ECFA, that was a very important CBM. And the process lasted for over a year, and during the process, the officials involved from the two sides also built mutual trust in some regard. And this is exactly what we would like to see. So they can just pick up a phone and call each other.
     For instance, when we reached the agreement to have judicial assistance, mutual assistance in judicial affairs, the police from the two sides met and jointly broke several rings of crime on fraud, and we have so far apprehended 1,200 criminals in this regard, and greatly reduced that crime, the fraud—even people told me that they used to receive many calls—which will affect fraud, but the number was greatly reduced. And so the cross-strait rapprochement did bring many benefits, not just economic, but also for our personal safety and all other things.
   
     美聯社:如果您贏得下一屆總統大選,您將會延續您剛所提出的政策嗎?也就是您在下一任也會堅持經濟開放、兩岸觀光,但是不觸及政治對話,或者這只是你在第一任的承諾?
   
     總統:這個問題將視我國與中國大陸關係進展的速度而定。舉例來說,目前在我就職以來的兩年半之中,我們已經與中國大陸簽署14項協議,但更重要的議題尚未完成協商,例如兩岸投資保障協議及兩岸解決貿易爭端協議等。在貿易層面,關稅減讓及非貿易障礙的議題上,我們只進入第一階段的協商,也就是所謂「早期收穫」的部分。因此,兩岸明年將會回到談判桌上繼續討論貿易等相關的議題,光是這些經濟的問題,就會讓政府忙得不可開交。你看,兩岸的貿易額高達一千億美元,但是目前雙方卻沒有任何機制解決貿易爭端,這就是我們目前正在著手的事情。我們並不是刻意拖延政治對話,但是經濟議題對於台灣民眾來說更為重要,因此民眾也支持政府先解決經濟問題,再討論政治議題的立場。
   
     美聯社:我完全了解您的意思,如果經濟的議題在您擔任總統的第二任期都妥善解決,您會進一步與對岸討論政治議題嗎?
   
     總統:正如我所說的,這將視雙方進展的速度,端視以上的問題能否得到滿意的解決,當然牽涉到大陸的政策都相當敏感,而我們施政的決策將會依循大多數的民意支持所進行。因此,當我們擘畫政策藍圖時,我們的優先考量是國家的需要,其次是民意的支持,第三是國會的監督,藉此來確認政策是否符合民眾的需求。
   
     美聯社:兩岸由經濟議題至政治性議題之進程中,是否會觸及安全議題與建立雙方軍事互信機制?
   
     總統:本人認為,廣義之政治議題即包括了建立兩岸互信建立機制,兩岸在解決主要經濟議題後,自然會談及雙方之互信建立機制。但我們並不急,因為,在我方努力下,兩岸緊張情勢已大幅降低。當我們提到互信建立機制時,兩岸在協商及簽訂ECFA時,事實上就可視為一種很重要的互信建立機制。兩岸談論洽簽ECFA的時間持續超過一年,雙方參與人員在整個過程中事實上已建立了某種程度的互信,這也是我們所樂見的,雙方人員可以隨時透過電話進行溝通。
     例如,當兩岸達成司法互助協議後,雙方執法人員共同合作已破獲一些大型詐欺犯罪集團,至目前為止,我方亦已拘捕1,200名詐欺嫌犯,大幅降低前開犯罪現象。許多人向我提起以往常接到詐欺電話,現在數量亦大為減少。因此,兩岸和解的確帶來經濟上的利益,並包含人身安全等其它事務的好處。

[下一页]

©Boxun News Network All Rights Reserved.
所有栏目和文章由作者或专栏管理员整理制作,均不代表博讯立场