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郭国汀律师专栏
·〈SCRUTTON 租船合同与提单〉郭国汀译 朱曾杰校 第二十章:1971年〈海上货物运输法〉
·〈SCRUTTON 租船合同与提单〉郭国汀译 朱曾杰校 第二十一章:管辖权与诉讼时效
***(7)《Omay 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译校
·王海明序《Omay 海上保险的法律与保险单》
·《OMAY海上保险的法律与保险单》序
·《Omay 海上保险:法律与保险单》译后记
·朱曾杰序《OMAY海上保险的法律与保险单》
·《OMAY 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译 冯立奇校 第一章:导论
·《OMAY 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译 冯立奇校 第二章:海上保险
·《OMAY 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译 冯立奇校 第三章:船舶险I
·《OMAY 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译 冯立奇校 第四章:船舶险II
·《OMAY 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译 冯立奇校 第五章:货物风险
·《OMAY 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译 冯立奇校 第六章:货物除外责任
·《OMAY 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译 冯立奇校 第七章:碰撞责任
·《OMAY 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译 冯立奇校 第八章:战争险
·《OMAY 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译 冯立奇校 第九章:罢工、暴乱和民事骚乱
·《OMAY 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译 冯立奇校 第十章:近因
·《OMAY 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译 冯立奇校 第十一章:施救费用
·《OMAY 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译 冯立奇校 第十二章:共同海损
·《OMAY 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译 冯立奇校 第十三章:救助
·《OMAY 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译 冯立奇校 第十四章:全损\实际全损
·《OMAY 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译 冯立奇校 第十五章:单独海损
·《OMAY 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译 冯立奇校 第十六章:代位追偿权
·《OMAY 海上保险:法律与保险单》郭国汀主译 冯立奇校 第十七章:重复保险与分摊
***(8)《郭国汀辩护词代理词自选集》郭国汀著
·《郭国汀辩护词、代理词自选》
·“五懂”律师多多益善--《郭国汀律师辩护词、代理词精选》序
·张思之 他扬起了风帆——序《郭国汀辩护词代理词自选集》
·张凌序《郭国汀辩护词、代理词自选》
***(9)《郭国汀海事海商论文自选》郭国汀著
·《郭国汀海商法论文自选》
***(10)《项目融资》郭国汀 许兆宁 高建平 王崇能译郭国汀审校
·《项目融资》郭国汀 许兆宁 高建平 王崇能 译郭国汀审校 第一章:当事人的目标
·《项目融资》郭国汀 许兆宁 高建平 王崇能 译 第六章:保险问题
·《项目融资》郭国汀 许兆宁 高建平 王崇能 译 第四章:信用(融资)协议
·《项目融资》郭国汀 许兆宁 高建平 王崇能 译 第十章:未来
·《项目融资》郭国汀 许兆宁 高建平 王崇能 译 第八章:其他法律问题
***(11)《油污和碰撞责任》郭国汀译
·《油污和碰撞责任》郭国汀译 第三编:油污 第十一章:导论
·《油污和碰撞责任》郭国汀译 第三编:油污 第十二章:船舶油污及国际公共卫生法的调整
***(12)《国际贸易法》郭国汀、陆怡、李涛译
·《国际贸易法》郭国汀、陆怡、李涛译 第六章:国际技术转让
·《国际贸易法》郭国汀、陆怡、李涛译 第七章:外国投资
***(13)《国际海事海商法》郭国汀、沈军、王崇能、冯敏译
·《国际海事海商法》郭国汀、沈军、王崇能、冯敏译 第一章:海事海商法的简明历史
·《国际海事海商法》郭国汀、沈军、王崇能、冯敏译 第五章:拖航
·《国际海事海商法》郭国汀、沈军、王崇能、冯敏译 第十章:管辖及程序
·《国际海事海商法》郭国汀、沈军、王崇能、冯敏译 第十一章:海洋污染
·《国际海事海商法》郭国汀、沈军、王崇能、冯敏译 第十二章:特别法定权利、海上留置权、抵押权及其他请求权
·《国际海事海商法》郭国汀、沈军、王崇能、冯敏译 第十三章:旅客运输
***(14)《现代提单的法律与实务》郭国汀/赖民译
·《现代提单的法律与实务》译者的话/郭国汀译
***(15)《审判的艺术》郭国汀译
·《审判的艺术》译者的话/郭国汀
***(16)《国际经济贸易法律与律师实务》郭国汀/高子才合著
·《国际经济贸易法律与律师实务》作者的话/郭国汀
***(17)《当代中国涉外经济纠纷案精析》郭国汀主编
·《当代中国涉外经济纠纷案精析》主编的话/郭国汀
***(18)《国际海商法律实务》郭国汀主编
·《国际海商法律实务》主编前言/郭国汀
***(19)《南郭独立评论》郭国汀著
·【郭國汀評論】第一集我為什麼要為法輪功辯護
·【郭国汀评论】第二集从自焚伪案看中共的邪教本质
·《郭国汀评论》第三集国际专家学者如何看待法轮功?
·【郭國汀評論】第四集:中共為何懼怕曾節明
·【郭國汀評論】第五集:憶通律師事務所遭遇停業的真正原因
·《郭国汀评论》第七集:江泽民是货真价实的汉奸卖国贼
·《郭国汀评论》第八集:从陈世忠的“第二种忠诚”看中共司法黑暗
·【郭國汀評論】第九集-苏家屯事件(盗卖法轮功学员人体器官)是中共的滑鐵盧
·《郭国汀评论》第十集:蘇家屯事件(活体盗卖法轮功学员人体器官)是中共的滑鐵盧(下集)
·《郭国汀评论》:第十二集:爱中华必须反共!
·《郭国汀评论》第十三集:为六四“反革命暴徒”抗辩
·《郭国汀评论》第十四集:什么是我们为之奋斗的民主?
·《郭国汀评论》第十五集:为邓玉娇抗辩(上)
·《郭国汀评论》第十六集 我为邓玉娇抗辩(下)
·《郭国汀评论》第十七集:强烈谴责中共暴政迫害中国人权律师
·《郭國汀評論》第十八集:中共专制暴政正在毁灭中国生态环境
·《郭国汀评论》第二十二集:论法轮功精神运动的伟大意义
·郭国汀评论:论中共政权的非法性《郭国汀评论》第23集
·郭国汀评论:论中共专制暴政下的酷刑
·郭国汀评论第二十八集:中共极权专制暴政下不可能有任何新闻自由
·中共暴政在重演萨斯疫骗局?!
·让人权恶棍无处可逃----评西班牙国家法院受理江泽民群体灭绝罪反人类罪和酷刑罪案
·论反共与反专制暴政
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麦肯总统候选人的基本政策主张

麦肯总统候选人的基本政策主张

   南郭点评:这是一篇被全球转载最多的文章.主要阐述了共和党总统候选人麦肯的政策主张.麦肯说“政府应当在下述重要领域发挥重要作用:气候变更,调节财政运动和照料那些无法照料他们自已的美国人”;“我认为自已是一名保守的共和党人,然而在很大程度上我以罗斯福总统为榜样”,在言及罗斯福总统的改革声誉环保主义及不妥协的外交政策时麦肯说道。他还重申“我坚信最好的政府管理的事务最少,政府不应当干预自由企业和私人企业及个体经营者,同时我还相信政府有义务关照哪些不能照料他们自已的美国人”。

   对比中共党棍们的说法,谁智谁蠢可谓一目了然.

   江泽民恬不知耻地称“我当上海市长时要解决一千三百万人上海市民每天油盐浆酸的吃饭问题”,胡温也多次贪天之功为已有公然撒谎欺骗无知的国人: “中国用6%的耕地活了占全球人口百分之十三的人口”并以此作为中共极权专制暴政统治的功绩。其实上海市民的吃穿住行纯属市场自动调节便能很好解决,而国人的粮食问题更是自由农业完全可以自动调整的问题。正因为中共政权纯属无知缺德乏能贪腐成性的专制暴政,该管的管不好而且瞎管,不该管的玩命管乱管,党禁报禁言禁网禁的目的唯有一个,千方百计唯持一党专制暴政,盗取国家政权的根本目的在于便于中共官僚犯罪利益集团拥有永世长存的贪污受贿权.千百万贪官污吏唯有贪污腐化方面业绩突出全球第一,这就是造成国人普遍苦难深重的总根源。国人欲彻底摆脱被奴役的苦难命运,此时不呐喊不行动更待何时?!

   2008年7月13日第124个反中共专制暴政争自由人权民主绝食维权抗暴日于加拿大

   McCains Conservative Model Roosevelt (Theodore, That Is)

   NY Time

   

   Allen Brisson-Smith for The New York Times

   Senator John McCain and his wife, Cindy, left, in Hudson, Wis., on Friday at a town hall-style meeting on economic issues.

   By ADAM NAGOURNEY and MICHAEL COOPER

   Published: July 13, 2008

   HUDSON, Wis. — Senator John McCain in a wide-ranging interview called for a government that is frugal but more active than many conservatives might prefer. He said government should play an important role in areas like addressing climate change, regulating campaign finance and taking care of “those in America who cannot take care of themselves.”

    “I count myself as a conservative Republican, yet I view it to a large degree in the Theodore Roosevelt mold,” Mr. McCain said, referring to Roosevelt’s reputation for reform, environmentalism and tough foreign policy.

   The views expressed by Mr. McCain in the 45-minute interview here Friday illustrated the challenge the probable Republican presidential nominee faces as he tries to navigate the sensibilities of his party’s conservative base and those of the moderate and independent voters he needs to defeat Senator Barack Obama, his Democratic rival.

   His responses suggested that he was basically in sync with his party’s conservative core but was not always willing to use the power of the federal government to impose those values. He also expressed a willingness to deploy government power and influence where free-market purists might hesitate to do so and to consider unleashing military force for moral reasons.

   In recent weeks, Mr. McCain has left many Republicans unsettled about his ideological bearings by toggling between reliably conservative issues like support for gun owners’ rights and an emphasis on centrist messages like his willingness to tackle global warming and provide a path to citizenship for illegal immigrants.

   Those tensions were apparent in the interview as well, as Mr. McCain offered a variety of answers — sometimes nuanced in their phrasing, sometimes not — about his views on social issues.

   Mr. McCain, who with his wife, Cindy, has an adopted daughter, said flatly that he opposed allowing gay couples to adopt. “I think that we’ve proven that both parents are important in the success of a family so, no, I don’t believe in gay adoption,” he said.

   But he declined to take a specific position when asked whether only evolution should be taught in public schools. “It’s up to the school boards,” he said. “That’s why we have local control over education.” Mr. McCain has said he believes in evolution.

   Many social conservatives strenuously oppose California’s decision to allow same-sex marriage. But Mr. McCain, who also opposes same-sex marriage, has always said that the issue is up to the states, and in the interview he said he would stick to that position as president even if California chose to continue allowing gay marriage after putting the matter to a statewide vote in November. “I respect the right of the states to make those decisions,” he said.

   Asked if he considered himself an evangelical Christian, Mr. McCain responded, “I consider myself a Christian.”

   “I attend church,” he said. “My faith has sustained me in very difficult times.” Asked how often he attended, he responded: “Not as often as I should.” He has recently been photographed going to church as his campaign has begun to make public the times he attends services.

   Mr. McCain sat down for the interview, conducted after he held a town-hall-style meeting on economic issues, at the end of a week that his campaign had hoped would mark a turning point in a candidacy that has been plagued with missteps and often seemed unsure of its message.

   After a period in which his campaign again endured internal battling and staff upheaval, Mr. McCain argued that competing tensions in an organization — be it a presidential campaign or a White House — can be good thing, up to a point.

   “Because of the bubble that a president is in, and the bubble that a candidate is in, sometimes you find out afterwards something that, ‘Oh boy, I wish I had heard thus and such and so and so,’ ” he said. “So I appreciate and want some of the tension. I don’t want too much of it.”

   When asked if he felt that it was more difficult to run against Mr. Obama because of the sensitivities of race, Mr. McCain responded wryly: “I’d like to make a joke, but I can’t.”

   “We are in a situation today where all words are parsed, all comments are diagnosed and looked at for whatever effect they might have,” he said. “We have to feed the beast, the hourly cable shows, the instant news in the blogs and all that. That is just the situation that we’re in, and I’m not complaining about it, because that would be both foolish and a waste of time.”

   Mr. McCain went on to say that he did not consider running against Mr. Obama any more complicated than running against, say, Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton. “No, I have to base my approach to Senator Obama as one of respect,” he said. “As long as I do that, then I don’t have to worry about any language I might use.”

   He said, ruefully, that he had not mastered how to use the Internet and relied on his wife and aides like Mark Salter, a senior adviser, and Brooke Buchanan, his press secretary, to get him online to read newspapers (though he prefers reading those the old-fashioned way) and political Web sites and blogs.

    “They go on for me,” he said. “I am learning to get online myself, and I will have that down fairly soon, getting on myself. I don’t expect to be a great communicator, I don’t expect to set up my own blog, but I am becoming computer literate to the point where I can get the information that I need.”

   Asked which blogs he read, he said: “Brooke and Mark show me Drudge, obviously. Everybody watches, for better or for worse, Drudge. Sometimes I look at Politico. Sometimes RealPolitics.”

   At that point, Mrs. McCain, who had been intensely engaged with her BlackBerry, looked up and chastised her husband. “Meghan’s blog!” she said, reminding him of their daughter’s blog on his campaign Web site. “Meghan’s blog,” he said sheepishly.

   As he answered questions, sipping a cup of coffee with his tie tight around his neck, his aides stared down at their BlackBerries.

   As they tapped, Mr. McCain said he did not use a BlackBerry, though he regularly reads messages on those of his aides. “I don’t e-mail, I’ve never felt the particular need to e-mail,” Mr. McCain said.

   The interview underscored the extent to which Mr. McCain defies easy ideological characterization, a fact that might help him in a general election but has been a persistent cause of concern among some conservatives. Mr. McCain has long argued that his stances are evidence of his political independence; many of his critics say it is more an example of a politician deftly trying to shade positions to win an election in complicated electoral terrain.

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