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滕彪文集
·暴行,以法律的名义
·人道中国十周年纪录短片
·“中华维权律师协会”评出十佳维权律师
·中国妇权成立十周年纪念
·武统狂言背后的恐懼
·以法律名義被消失,中華失踪人民共和國
·川普公布首批人权恶棍 滕彪:震慑中共
·「蚂蚁金服」在美并购遭拒 中国官媒指不排除反制措施
·CCP is taking China towards more and more Owellian state
·中国公民社会前景:乐观还是堪忧?
·中共渗透遭美欧澳等国谴责 专家析世界格局
·Laogai, le goulag chinois
·不反思計劃生育 中國就沒有未來
·中国:溃败与希望
·Conversation on China’s human right
·Draconic Restrictions on Uyghur Cultural And Religious Freedoms
·寧添十座墳,不添一個人
· the only way seems to become more dictatorial and oppressiv
·不管藍營綠營,面對的都是「集中營
·惠台政策还是经济统战?
·专访:用李明哲案件恐吓整个台湾
·習近平進一步向毛澤
·中共專制政權威脅全世界
·新戊戌变法的变与不变
·【Documentary】China: Spies, Lies and Blackmail
·No escape: The fearful life of China's exiled dissidents
·中国异议人士逃抵西方仍难脱离中共监控威胁
·The State of Human Rights Lawyers in China
·权益组织:电视认罪—一场中国官方导演的大戏
·温良学者 正义卫士(一)
·Has Xi Jinping Changed China? Not Really
·訪滕彪律師談中共政權對於全世界民主自由人權發展的負面影響
·中共绑架中国
·美国务院发布人权报告 点名批评中国等八国
·滕彪,温良学者 正义卫士(二)——发出不同的声音
·鸿茅药酒:中共制度之毒
·on televised confessions
·滕彪,温良学者 正义卫士(三)——挑战恶法 虽败犹荣
·温良学者 正义卫士(四)——铁骨也柔情
·温良学者 正义卫士(五)——黑暗中的闪电
·美两党议员推法案 要求调查中共渗透/NTD
·Video【Teng Biao: From 1989 to 1984】
·第二届藏港台圆桌会 中国律师表态支持自决权
·自由民主與自決權:第二屆藏港台圓桌會議
·Exiled in the U.S., a Lawyer Warns of ‘China’s Long Arm’
·端传媒滕彪专访:一个曾经的依法维权者,怎么看今日中国?
·VOA:川金会上 人权问题真的被忽略了吗?
·“中国的长臂”:滕彪审视西方机构对华自我审查
·中国长臂迫使西方机构公司自我审查/RFA
·美退出人权理事会 滕彪呼吁应将人权与经贸利益挂钩
·“中国政治转变的可能前景”研讨会纪要
·滕彪:川普退出人权理事会是为人权?西藏、新疆民族自决
· The Second China human rights lawyers day
·第二届“中国人权律师节”将于7月8日在纽约举行
·【video】A message from a Chinese human rights lawyer
·【RFA中国热评】美中贸易战、 “七五”、“709案”
·回顾709案:中国迫害律师的第三波高潮
·中国人权律师节力赞人权律师的意义
·高智晟、王全璋获颁首届中国人权律师奖
·Chinese rights lawyers and international support
·高智晟王全璋纽约获人权律师奖 亲友代领
·709大抓捕三周年 境内外纷有声援行动/RFA
·Forced disappearances
·光荣的荆棘路——第二届中国人权律师节开幕短片(Openning film on the Sec
·用法律抗争与对法律宣战
·「709大抓捕」並非偶然…
·An Editor Speaks Out: Teng Biao, Darkness Before Dawn, and ABA
·中國假疫苗事件能夠杜絕?
·当局不解决人们提出的问题,而是〝解决〞提出问题的人们
·疫苗之殇还是贼喊捉贼/RFA
·The legal system is a battleground, and there’s no turning back
·A Call for a UN Investigation, and US Sanctions, on the Human Rights D
·关注新疆维吾尔自治区人权灾难的呼吁书
·警察街头扫描手机内容 新疆式维稳监控扩散
·The banned religious group that has China worried
·人间蒸发 强制失踪受害者日 家属焦急寻人
·中国留学生都是“007”?
·忧末日恐慌蔓延,中国围剿全能神教
·An Open Letter on Ilham Tohti’s Life
·关于伊力哈木生命致多国政府和欧盟理事会的公开信
·918 RESIST Xi Jinping
·公安部拟新规“维护”警察权威
·The United Nations, China, and Human Rights
·司法部整顿律师业:统统姓党
·美中媒体战?中国在美两大官媒被要求登记为外国代理
· Alphabet City Q&A with Teng Biao
·The Xinjiang Initiative
·无权者也是有力量的/RFA
·欧洲议会通过议案 促中共关闭新疆「集中营」
·China’s global challenge to democratic freedom
·彭斯講話揭新篇 預示對華政策大轉變
·彭斯講話揭新篇 預示對華政策大轉變
·欧洲议会通过议案 促中共关闭新疆「集中营」
·失踪的范冰冰与高智晟
·Chinese clients of New York ‘asylum mill’ lawyers face deportation t
·「千人计划」再受挫折 美籍华人学者涉儿童色情罪案及间谍活动
·"Vous pouvez facilement devenir fou"
·【纪录片】赫索格的日子
·【纪录片】:退无可退
·你很容易就發瘋了/眾新聞
·“合法化”集中营(滕彪)
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Dissonance Strikes A Chord


   By Sally Jenkins
   Saturday, August 9, 2008; E01
   BEIJING

   Speech is the most incendiary topic at these Olympics, in all its forms: a contraband Tibetan banner, face masks, the mutual verbal rebukes of President Bush and the Chinese government, the eloquent choice of Sudanese "Lost Boy" Lopez Lomong as the U.S. flag-bearer, and the drumming and blazes of the Opening Ceremonies. It's a topic on which it's easy to be uncertain -- how not to insult the host? What is the proper form of expression for an athlete? But to Chinese human rights activist Teng Biao, there is no confusion. Over the telephone, he agrees to meet for a talk, despite the fact that the conversation could land him in an interrogation room, or worse.
   Relieved to be out of earshot of Olympic platitudes, you set off across the capital to meet him. Along the way you pass glimpses of old imperial glories, the broken-tiled roofs of alley hutong residences, temples and parks that lie cached between colossal towers, and other monuments of a mighty, great-hearted country held hostage by dictators. At a subway stop, you shake hands with Teng, a 35-year-old disbarred lawyer and lecturer at China University of Political Science and Law. He hardly looks like a "a dissident," but rather a young scholar in rimless glasses, and as far as Teng is concerned he isn't one; rather, he is an "independent intellectual." His main offense is that he doesn't think the state should break its own laws -- imagine that -- and that it should keep its promise to use the Olympics to improve its human rights policies.
   "The Olympic Games were never nonpolitical in China," he says. "Many people thought the Olympic Games should be a good opportunity for the rule of law and political system, but the government just want to use Olympics Games as a chance to show how powerful they are."
   Together, you wind through mazelike streets, past tea shops, dodging wagons of watermelons and sidewalk games of the Chinese version of chess called xiangqi until you arrive at a double wooden door marked by a red lantern. It's a bar called Bed, one of the hotter meeting places for internationals, a fusion tapas joint built around an old Chinese residential courtyard called a siheyuan and furnished by industrial light fixtures and kangs (platform beds with large cushions). Teng heard about it from an American professor, who is hosting a small party in the back room. Known for its conversational ambiance, it has the virtue of being all but un-findable unless you know it's there. Not that Teng has given anyone the slip. During the next 45 minutes, the secret police will call his phone twice.
   Teng has been warned not to talk to foreign reporters, an order he has defied because he wishes you to know that appearances aren't everything at these Games, that the stunning orchestration of the Opening Ceremonies and the immaculate facade of Beijing are a mask for brutal repression. "It's more risky to speak during Olympic Games," he says, "but I think if more and more people know the truth about China, that would be helpful. If you go to Beijing you can see beautiful buildings and flowers and smiling faces but that's not the real China. Maybe only one part."
   Teng, who graduated in 2002 with a PhD from prestigious Peking University, has ruined his career and risked prison for legally defending the disenfranchised, including church pastors, government petitioners and Tibetans. In September 2007, he co-wrote an open letter with his fellow activist Hu Jia, in which they detailed the Chinese government's cleansings and crackdowns: street vendors beaten to death, 1.25 million people forced to move for Olympic construction, 35 journalists and 51 writers imprisoned, and prison torture including burning, clubbing, electric shock, sleep deprivation and chemical injections.
   "When you come to the Olympic Games in Beijing . . . you may not know that the flowers, smiles, harmony and prosperity are built on a base of grievances, tears, imprisonment, torture and blood," they wrote. They advised visitors to be aware that the Games would be held in a country with no elections, no freedom of religion and no independent judiciary.
   The state responded by arresting Hu and sentencing him to 3 1/2 years in prison. Teng was temporarily spared, probably because influential international advocates spoke on his behalf.
   In April, Teng offered legal aid to Tibetans arrested in the riots in Lhasa, signing an open letter with 17 other Chinese human rights lawyers. This time, the state responded by disbarring him and threatened to fire him from his university position. One night, state security agents seized him in the parking lot of his home. They threw a bag over his head, wrestled him into a car and drove him to an unknown location, where they interrogated him for 41 hours. They threatened to jail him for a decade if he continued to write and speak in criticism of the government, especially on the subject of the Games.
   What will be the repercussion of his decision to speak to foreign reporters during the Games? It's hard to say. In 2006, a man named Fu Xiancai was beaten until he was paralyzed after he was interviewed by German reporters.
   "The secret police they are collecting evidence every day," Teng says. "I'm not afraid. What I'm doing, what I have done, is right according to the law. And if they put me into prison, I just accept it. I'm prepared. When I choose to do human rights work, I'm prepared."
   He is open-faced and collegiate in a button-down shirt and mild-voiced with excellent English, punctuating his sentences with frequent "ums." He usually wears a T-shirt with the picture of a jailed blind legal activist named Chen Guangcheng, but the police have ordered him to keep it in a drawer. His aren't the manners of a rabble-rouser, but rather a mild academic and a concerned father -- he and his wife, Wang Ling, are the parents of a 2-year-old daughter. It's the only thing that gives him pause.
   "I have to balance the cost and the benefit," he says. "The main puzzle to me is the responsibility of intellectual, and the responsibility of a family member."
   Not everyone will agree with Teng's decision to talk. To some he may seem reckless, or mistaken, or disruptive of the "sport" of the Olympics.
   But silence during the Beijing Games wasn't an option in his view. Silence might have been an option if the IOC and its sponsors had objected to the crackdowns on Chinese dissidents over the last seven years. Instead, IOC President Jacques Rogge was virtually inaudible, earning Teng's disappointment and even contempt.
   "They're like a servant, a slave of Chinese government," he said.
   Truthful speech, according to Teng, will be the ultimate ruin of totalitarianism.
   "This regime is based on lies," Teng says. "There are so many lies in textbooks, so many lies in propaganda. So if we have the freedom to express, then Chinese people will realize they have to change the political system. The Communist Party cannot keep their power if they let Chinese people speak freely."
   Teng borrows this notion from his favorite thinker Vaclav Havel in his essay, "The Power of Powerlessness."
   "He said we should listen to our hearts and conscience and we can practice freedom and democracy in our daily life," Teng says.
   Whether you agree with him or not, Teng's statements are a marked contrast to the polite, stifled words of American athletes here. NBA players Kobe Bryant and LeBron James have diplomatically backed off their promise to discuss the plight of Darfur. Most U.S. competitors were evasive or gave answers of the "I'm here to swim" variety when asked about Chinese state's decision to revoke the visa of speedskating gold medalist and humanitarian Joey Cheek. Gymnast Justin Spring's blank response -- "Oh, that's the question they warned us about" -- still is cringe-provoking two days later.
   Obviously, Americans are struggling to find the most suitable ways of expressing themselves here. The basic right of speech also includes the option of silence -- no one should begrudge athletes who have worked four years for wanting their Olympic moment to be without controversy. And there are all kinds of effective ways of making a statement -- the Americans' election of Lomong, for instance, resounded like moral thunder. You just hope our athletic champions of democracy understand that the ability to choose their expressions is the ultimate luxury. As for Teng, he has been warned about questions, too. "If they ask, I answer," he says

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