[发表评论] [查看此文评论]    滕彪文集
[主页]->[独立中文笔会]->[滕彪文集]->[For Chinese activists, stakes are raised ahead of the Olympics]
滕彪文集
·我来推推推(之六)
·净空(小说)
·作为反抗的记忆——《不虚此行——北京劳教调遣处纪实》序
·twitter直播-承德冤案申诉行动
·我来推推推(之七)
·关于我的证言的证言
·我来推推推(之八)
·不只是问问而已
·甘锦华再判死刑 紧急公开信呼吁慎重
·就甘锦华案致最高人民法院死刑复核法官的紧急公开信
·我来推推推(之九)
·DON’T BE EVIL
·我来推推推(之十)
·景德镇监狱三名死刑犯绝食吁国际关注
·江西乐平死刑冤案-向最高人民检察院的申诉材料
·我来推推推(之十一)
·法律人的尊严在于独立
·我来推推推(之十二)
·听从正义和良知的呼唤——在北京市司法局关于吊销唐吉田、刘巍律师证的听证会上的代理意见
·一个思想实验:关于中国政治
·公民维权与社会转型(上)——在北京传知行社会经济研究所的演讲
·公民维权与社会转型——在北京传知行社会经济研究所的演讲(下)
·福州“7•4”奇遇记
·夏俊峰案二审辩护词(新版)
·摄录机打破官方垄断
·敦请最高人民检察院立即对重庆打黑运动中的刑讯逼供问题依法调查的公开信
·为政治文明及格线而奋斗——滕彪律师的维权之路
·“打死挖个坑埋了!”
·"A Hole to Bury You"
·谁来承担抵制恶法的责任——曹顺利被劳动教养案代理词
·国家尊重和保障人权从严禁酷刑开始
·分裂的真相——关于钱云会案的对话
·无国界记者:对刘晓波诽谤者的回应
·有些人在法律面前更平等(英文)
·法律人与法治国家——在《改革内参》座谈会上的演讲
·貪官、死刑與民意
·茉莉:友爱的滕彪和他的诗情
·萧瀚:致滕彪兄
·万延海:想起滕彪律师
·滕彪:被迫走上它途的文學小子/威廉姆斯
·中国两位律师获民主奖/美国之音
·独立知识分子——写给我的兄弟/许志永
·滕彪的叫真/林青
·2011年十大法治事件(公盟版)
·Chinese Human Rights Lawyers Under Assault
·《乱诗》/殷龙龙
·吴英的生命和你我有关
·和讯微访谈•滕彪谈吴英案
·吴英、司法与死刑
·努力走向公民社会(视频访谈)
·【蔡卓华案】胡锦云被诉窝藏赃物罪的二审辩护词
·23岁青年被非法拘禁致死 亲属六年申请赔偿无果
·5月2日与陈光诚的谈话记录
·华邮评论:支持中国说真话者的理由
·中国律师的阴与阳/金融时报
·陈光诚应该留还是走?/刘卫晟
·含泪劝猫莫吃鼠
·AB的故事
·陈克贵家属关于拒绝接受两名指定律师的声明
·这个时代最优异的死刑辩词/茉莉
·自救的力量
·不只是问问而已
·The use of Citizens Documentary in Chinese Civil Rights Movements
·行政强制法起草至今23年未通过
·Rights Defence Movement Online and Offline
·遭遇中国司法
·一个单纯的反对者/阳光时务周刊
·“颠覆国家政权罪”的政治意涵/滕彪
·财产公开,与虎谋皮
·Changing China through Mandarin
·通过法律的抢劫——答《公民论坛》问
·Teng Biao: Defense in the Second Trial of Xia Junfeng Case
·血拆危局/滕彪
·“中国专制体制依赖死刑的象征性”
·To Remember Is to Resist/Teng Biao
·Striking a blow for freedom
·滕彪:维权、微博与围观:维权运动的线上与线下(上)
·滕彪:维权、微博与围观:维权运动的线上与线下(下)
·达赖喇嘛与中国国内人士视频会面问答全文
·台灣法庭初體驗-專訪滕彪
·滕彪:中国政治需要死刑作伴
·一个反动分子的自白
·强烈要求释放丁红芬等公民、立即取缔黑监狱的呼吁书
·The Confessions of a Reactionary
·浦志强 滕彪: 王天成诉周叶中案代理词
·选择维权是一种必然/德国之声
·A courageous Chinese lawyer urges his country to follow its own laws
·警方建议起诉许志永,意见书似“公民范本”
·对《集会游行示威法》提起违宪审查的公开建议书
·对《集会游行示威法》提起违宪审查的公开建议书
·滕彪访谈录:在“反动”的道路上越走越远
·因家暴杀夫被核准死刑 学界联名呼吁“刀下留人”
·川妇因反抗家暴面临死刑 各界紧急呼吁刀下留人
·Activist’s Death Questioned as U.N. Considers Chinese Rights Report
·Tales of an unjust justice
·打虎不是反腐
·What Is a “Legal Education Center” in China
·曹雅学:谁是许志永—— 与滕彪博士的访谈
·高层有人倒行逆施 民间却在不断成长
·让我们记住作恶的法官
·China’s growing human rights movement can claim many accomplishments
[列出本栏目所有内容]
欢迎在此做广告
For Chinese activists, stakes are raised ahead of the Olympics

   
   Geoffrey A. Fowler
   Wall Street Journal | 03.14.2008
   
   Teng Biao, a 34-year-old professor of Chinese law in Beijing, has a wife, a 2-year-old daughter, a nice apartment and a car -- the makings of a very good life in today's China. Last week, he got a taste of a different life that could await him if he doesn't play his cards right.

   
   Last week, Mr. Teng said, four plainclothes police officers seized him outside of his apartment, put a sack over his head and after driving him for about 40 minutes, dropped him off in a room with two tables and several chairs, lit by a light bulb. After two days of questioning, they delivered him back home with a stern warning: stop writing articles critical of China's human-rights record, particularly with regard to the Olympic Games in Beijing this August. If he continues, they said, he would lose his position at the China University of Political Science and face jail.
   
   Mr. Teng says he intends to be "careful." But he adds: "If I have to be in prison for several years, then I am not afraid."
   
   Threats by China's government against political dissidents and activists aren't new. But for both sides in this confrontation, the Beijing Olympics is significantly raising the stakes.
   
   "Many of the rights activists see the period between now and August as the time when their claims against the system can be heard more clearly than any time before or after," said Jerome Cohen, a law professor at New York University and an expert in Chinese law.
   
   On Aug. 13, land-rights activist Yang Chunlin was arrested and later tried for organizing a petition titled "We want human rights, not the Olympics," signed by thousands of farmers whose land was taken for development projects. He awaits a court verdict, while his co-organizers have been assigned to "re-education through labor" camps, according to his lawyer, Li Fangping.
   
   Sometimes, getting arrested becomes part of the message. In late December, police jailed blogger and AIDS activist Hu Jia, who had testified via the Internet to the European Parliament last March about China's human-rights record before the Games. The imprisoned Mr. Hu has become an Olympic hero to many other activists inside and outside of China, as his wife and 4-month-old baby remain confined to their Beijing apartment by police.
   
   For China, pre-Olympic dissent presents a Catch-22. China seeks to use the Beijing Games to broadcast a positive message to the world about the country's social and economic progress. Each new arrest silences a potential critic who threatens to hijack that message, and sends a warning to other people who might be contemplating a similar move.
   
   But each arrest risks drawing unwanted publicity. "With fewer than six months to go before the Olympics, the Chinese government has everything to gain and nothing to lose by releasing [Hu]," Sophie Richardson, Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch, said in a statement.
   
   China's Olympic message is already taking a hit. On Tuesday, the U.S. government called China "an authoritarian state" that had tightened controls over speech and religious freedoms, in an annual global human-rights report that offered accounts of torture and forced evictions. Last month, Steven Spielberg withdrew as an artistic adviser for the opening and closing ceremonies of Beijing Olympics, citing Beijing's ties to the Sudanese government and concerns about the humanitarian tragedy in Darfur.
   
   The Chinese government has said that the U.S. government should focus on human-rights problems in America and said it is unfair to link Darfur to the Games.
   
   Chinese activists, especially rights lawyers such as Mr. Teng, have long been divided over strategies for creating political change in China. Some of them argue they must demand immediate democratic political reform, even if doing so invites government reprimand.
   
   For years, Mr. Teng has been associated with a community of practical-minded lawyers who think that the country's nascent legal system itself offers sufficient space to push for change. But as the Olympics have approached, their potential as a platform has changed his thinking.
   
   "I gradually realized that the Olympic Games should play an important role to improve human rights," he said. Mr. Teng insists neither he nor his friend Mr. Hu are "against" the Beijing Olympics.
   
   China's government has spoken out against those who it says are trying to inject politics into the Games. "Not to politicize the Olympic Games is required by the Olympic charter," China's foreign minister, Yang Jiechi, said Wednesday.
   
   Beijing itself has attached broader significance to the Games. In the city's 2001 pitch, Liu Jingmin, then deputy mayor, said "by applying for the Olympics, we want to promote not just the city's development, but the development of society, including democracy and human rights."
   
   Chinese officials say Olympic dissent is explicitly allowed. Foreign ministry spokesman Qin Gang said Tuesday that the government will treat citizens "lawfully" during and after the Olympics. The Beijing police haven't answered questions about Mr. Teng's detention.
   
   The International Olympic Committee is under pressure from both sides. Spokeswoman Giselle Davies said the committee is gathering information on reported cases of human-rights violations and will raise any it might find are related to the Games with the Beijing Games organizing committee.
   
   "That is part of the Olympic Games' ability to shine a light on wider social issues," she said.
   
   Mr. Teng is known among colleagues in the U.S. and China as a modest academic who has quietly pushed for reform.
   
   In 2003, Mr. Teng became a law professor at the China University of Political Science and Law in Beijing, teaching and writing about legal theory and society. In private practice, he took on a few high-profile cases involving the death penalty and property rights.
   
   Last year, Mr. Teng took up residence at Yale University. Jeffrey Prescott, the deputy director of Yale's China Law Center, describes Mr. Teng as a "serious scholar" who spent his time at the university studying American criminal procedure for ideas that he could bring back to China.
   
   But in September, Mr. Teng and Mr. Hu, the AIDS activist, crossed a line: They co-wrote a letter asking the international community to question whether Beijing had fulfilled the human-rights promises it made to the International Olympic Committee. Four months after their letter was published, Mr. Hu was arrested and charged with attempting to subvert state power.
   
   During Mr. Teng's detention, he said, police officers who refused to identify themselves reviewed his recent essays with him and tried to change his mind on issues.
   
   He says the police told him not to write articles on the Olympics or Mr. Hu, and to be "very, very" careful when interviewed by foreign press.
   
   "I don't want to go to jail," Mr. Teng said. But after his recent detention, "I am ready for any result," he says. "I will not refuse to be a martyr."

©Boxun News Network All Rights Reserved.
所有栏目和文章由作者或专栏管理员整理制作,均不代表博讯立场