大家
[发表评论] [查看此文评论]    郭国汀律师专栏
[主页]->[大家]->[郭国汀律师专栏]->[The Bill of Rights]
郭国汀律师专栏
·致加拿大国会的公开函
·中共已是末日疯狂/郭国汀
·三权分立的哲学基础
·虚伪是极权专制的必然付产品-------南郭与中律网友们的对话
·汝竟敢骂共党骂毛泽东!
***(36)中共司法体制批判
·从人权律师的遭遇析中国人权的实际情况
·郭律师评价中国律师诉讼及司法体制现状
·中共专制暴政下为什么冤假错案堆积如山?
·中共勞教制度是人類歷史上最野蠻的制度
·马亚莲案与废除劳教制度
·郭國汀談中共勞教制度下的性酷刑
·郭國汀談萬名公民提出廢除勞教制度建立叻ㄐ袨槌C治法
·郭国汀:违宪、违法
·郭国汀律师谈中国司法现状
·郭国汀称司法黑社会化免死承诺难保赖昌星的命
·为赖昌星遗返案我的宣誓证词
·中华全国律师协会的实质----被阉割与自宫
·郭国汀 司法公正的前提条件
***中共专制暴政是国人一切深重苦难的总根源
·人权律师郭国汀称中共制造法拉盛事件旨在嫁祸抹黑法轮功以转移公众视线
·郭国汀 纽约时报报导死难学生亲属周月悼念地震中无辜牺牲的亲人
·美国顶级地震专家称四川地震有可能未能被预测到
·谁之罪?
·中共专制暴政的罪孽学校跨塌致数千名学生死灭最新统计
·一篇被全球英文博客转载最多的四川地震实况报导
·郭国汀百无一用是中国律师
·我愿意收养一个为救人而牺牲的教师或母亲的遗孤
·中国人持继追问为何众多学校震成碎片废墟? 被全球英文网站转载最多的地震专文
***美国2008年总统大选南郭点评系列
·朗保罗--美国2008年大选最雄劲的黑马
·美国大选最新民意进展分析——美国2008年总统大选南郭点评系列之二
·美国2008年大选程序正义与演讲精华
·欧巴马的通往白宫之旅
·前国务卿鮑威尔支持欧巴马
·麦肯总统候选人的基本政策主张
***(42)中国民主运动研究
· 自由宪政民主运动与中共暴政的决战主战场何在?
·国人应当认清中共政权的极权专制流氓犯罪本质
·真正觉醒后英勇的你我他才是决定中国前途和命运的基本力量
·是谁制造了大陆中国的“暴戾之气的泛滥”?
·我为何对中共极权暴政及胡锦涛没有仇恨维有鄙视?
·是共特黑而非民运黑
·我所了解的政治新星曾节明
· 南郭点评陈子明社会运动与政治演练
· 序《我的两个中国 --一个六四天安门学生反革命的实录》
·时代的最强音:“六四”屠城二十一周年口号
· 警惕共匪假冒民运人士故意毁损民运声誉—答人民思想家
·论颠覆国家政权罪的律师辩护
·郭律师点评杨建立博士论三个中国
·退出自由中国论坛的公开声明
·陈尔晋与张国堂之争的性质
·我的几个基本观点答张国堂先生公开信
·中国民运战略研究
·中国民运当前面临问题与对策研究
·郭国汀加入民主中国阵线的公开声明
·论公推中国民运政治领袖的必要性
·论公推自荐公选民运政治精神领袖的紧迫性
·中国民主运动领袖论?答方文武先生
·关于筹建过渡政府与公选民运领袖问题的讨论
·关于民运领袖过渡政府与程序正义的争论
·历史功臣还是历史罪人?
·中国民主运动到底需要什么样的政治精神领袖?
·谁是中国民主运动政治精神领袖的最佳人选?
·谁是中共极权专制暴政最害怕的劲敌?
·郭国汀:汪兆钧信是中共内部爆炸的一颗原子弹
·严正责令胡锦涛及中共当局——立即无条件释放民运志士李国涛!
·反抗中共专制暴政的先驱者与英雄(修正)
·相会伟大的刘文辉烈士英魂
·敬请胡锦涛先生立即制止下属恶意疯狂攻击南郭之电脑
·"六四领袖去死吧!"及 " 逢共必反、逢华必反"?!
·草根吾友欲往何处去?
·真实的陈泱潮故事
·陈泱潮自传之二
·强烈推荐国人必读之最佳政论文
·答小溪先生质疑
·驳斥草虾兼与草根商榷!
·伟大的中国文化复兴宣言 郭国汀
·关于宣讲人权公约基金申请推荐函
·必须立即终止反动透顶的行政官员任命制
·自由中国论坛的不锈钢老鼠到底是什么角色?
·关注李宇宙的命运
***(43)中国民主运动的思想、理论与实践
·中国争人权言论表达自由权的先驱者与英雄名录
·民主革命论 陈泱潮
·《特权论的》精髓——对共产专制特权制度的深刻致命批判
·特权论的精髓——对共产专制特权制度的深刻致命批判 郭国汀
·枭雄黑道乱世的一百年!郭国汀
·论无产阶级民主制度下的两党制
·陈泱潮评胡锦涛
·陈泱潮论江泽民
·我为什么特别推崇陈泱潮先生的思想理论?
[列出本栏目所有内容]
欢迎在此做广告
The Bill of Rights

The Bill of Rights
   Author unknow
   南郭点评:争信仰自由权是第一批英国人来到美国的主要原因,而争代表权与自治权则是美国独立战争的主要动因,争全体公民的自由权则是美国内战的主要原因. 美国1798年颁布实施的Alien and Sedition Act, 规定:用错误、令人反感及恶意(的方式)描述政府构成犯罪即所谓诽谤政府罪。但宪法之父迈迪逊和杰弗逊均强烈反对该法。最后该法于1801年杰弗逊任总统后即被废除,因违反该法被拘禁的十几名违法者则全部无罪释放。依美国现行刑法则煽动暴力推翻合法政府只有在符合明显而即刻的危险”准则的情况下才可能构成犯罪,因此除非诽谤政府的煽动言论己经濒暴力边缘,而且危机迫在眉睫,否则应尽可能充分地保障这类言论的自由。亦即煽动非暴力方式推翻合法政府无罪!而中国刑法第105条第2款规定以造谣、诽谤或者其他方式煽动颠覆国家政权、推翻社会主义制度的,构成煽动颠覆国家政权罪。亦即按照中共恶法,那怕煽动和平方式改变政府及所谓社会主义制度,均构成煽动颠覆国家政权罪!据此以观中国现行相关法律比美国至少落后了两百年!希特勒时代的德国法律规定:污蔑元首者得处两周以内的拘禁。而毛泽东时代则凡是公开喊出打倒毛泽东者甚至仅是在私人日记或书信中对毛不敬者即可能被枪决!而邓江胡时代以和平言论治重罪者成千上万!因此,中共是比法西斯残暴百倍甚至千倍的专制暴政!
   The Bill of Rights is the common name for Amendments 1 through 9 (the 10th Amendment is usually included under the heading of "Bill of Rights," since it was ratified with the other nine, but it does not technically recognize any rights).
   
   Americans have been concerned with their rights for hundreds of years. The right to practice religion however they wished was one of the primary reasons the first settlers came to America from England. The right of representation and self-determination was one of the primary reasons the Revolutionary War was fought. The right for all persons to be free was one of the reasons the Civil War was fought. American history is replete with bills of rights, from the most famous included in our Constitution, to the Declaration of Rights prompted by the Stamp Act to the Virginia Declaration of Rights written by George Mason for his state. Even today we speak of the apparently elusive Patient's Bill of Rights.
   What is interesting to note is that when the Constitutional Convention finished its work, it did not find it necessary to include a bill of rights in the final version. Several members, notably George Mason, were very disappointed by this decision and refused to sign the document over the issue. The argument was that the Constitution did not give the new federal government the ability to restrict inherent rights, so no list of those rights was necessary. Others worried that if the rights were listed, they would invariably forget some and the list would ever be incomplete. Finally, the argument was that the states each had their own constitutions, too, and that rights were best protected at a state level.
   Of all the issues that the Anti-Federalists gave for rejecting the new constitution, the lack of a bill of rights was the most compelling for many people. In the ratifying documents of five states, requests or demands for a bill of rights were included in the text, along with suggested lists (see the ratifying documents of Massachusetts, South Carolina, New Hampshire, Virginia, and New York. Rhode Island also included a list, but they ratified the Constitution after the first Congress approved the Bill of Rights).
   The Federalists were opposed to adding a bill of rights, expounding on the reasons why in Alexander Hamilton's Federalist 84. Among the reasons listed was a list of the personal protections the new constitution did contain, such as the prohibition of ex post facto laws, the inviolate habeas corpus, and the restrictions on a conviction of treason. Federalist 85 addressed the subject, too, noting that amendment is always a possibility after ratification. It turns out, once the process of ratification was complete, that this was exactly the route taken.
   The first Congress under the Constitution had a lot to accomplish. It had many new powers not available to the Congress under the Articles of Confederation, and every state had interests it wanted to protect. James Madison, seen by many as the father of the Constitution, had won a seat in the House of Representatives, running partly on a platform that included a fight for a bill of rights. This may seem odd since Madison was one of those who advocated the omission of such a list of rights, but he eventually became convinced of the necessity.
   Madison tried to get the debate moving, but debate on tariffs and other pressing issues always pushed the debate on a bill of rights to the back burner. Madison finally had enough and on June 8, 1789, he presented his draft of a bill of rights to get the discussion moving.
   From June to September, both houses of Congress debated Madison's list, along with the lists presented by the states. Rights were enumerated, removed, modified, tweaked. Eventually, both houses agreed on twelve articles of amendment and sent them to the states. Two years later, in 1791, the last ten of these original twelve were ratified by the states and they became a part of the Constitution. By custom, the amendments were added to the end of the original document, rather than inserted in the text, as Madison had envisioned. All ten of the original amendments are referred to as The Bill of Rights, though only the first nine pertain to the people (Amendment 10 pertains to the states, though it mentions the people in parallel).
   
   Bar to Federal Action
   The Bill of Rights was understood, at its ratification, to be a bar on the actions of the federal government. Many people today find this to be an incredible fact. The fact is, prior to incorporation, discussed below, the Bill of Rights did not apply to the states. This is, however, quite in line with what the Constitution was originally designed to be: a framework for the federal government. In other words, though the federal government was banned from violating the freedom of the press, states were free to regulate the press. For the most part, this was not an issue, because the state constitutions all had bills of rights, and many of the rights protected by the states mirrored those in the federal Bill, and many went further than the federal Bill.
   This point is best illustrated by one of the amendments that Madison proposed in his initial speech:
   Fifthly, That in article 1st, section 10, between clauses 1 and 2, be inserted this clause, to wit:
   No State shall violate the equal rights of conscience, or the freedom of the press, or the trial by jury in criminal cases.
   The Senate in its final draft of the Bill rejected this clause, seemingly innocuous to us today,, and the concept that any part of the Bill of Rights would apply to the states was still 100 years away. Several cases that came before the Supreme Court in the 19th century attempted to have the Court establish that the Bill should apply to the states, to no avail:
   In Barron v. Baltimore (32 U.S. 243 [1833]), the Court ruled that the Takings Clause of the 5th Amendment did not apply to the City of Baltimore and the State of Maryland by extension. Succinctly, the Court wrote: "...the fifth amendment must be understood as restraining the power of the general government, not as applicable to the states."
   In Pervear v. Massachusetts (72 U.S. 475 [1866]), the Court was asked to rule on fines imposed upon a liquor dealer by the state. Pervear was licensed by the United States under the current internal revenue code to keep and sell liquor. He was fined and sentenced to three months of hard labor for not maintaining a state license for his liquor business. Part to the defense attempted to invoke the 8th Amendment's Excessive Fines and Cruel and Unusual Punishment clauses. The Court, again quite succinctly, said: "Of this proposition it is enough to say that the article of the Constitution relied upon in support of it does not apply to State but to National legislation."
   As to the Bill of Rights being a bar to federal acts, the Bill took some knocks in the first years of the new nation. The 1798 Alien and Sedition Act, for example, made nationals of countries the United States was at war with subject to summary arrest, and also made "false, scandalous and malicious" writings about the government a crime, with the burden of proof placed squarely on the shoulders of the defendant rather than the state. Madison and Thomas Jefferson were both adamantly opposed to the Act, and said that being unconstitutional, states were free to ignore (or nullify) the law. The Act, repealed in 1801, was never ruled unconstitutional.

[下一页]

©Boxun News Network All Rights Reserved.
所有栏目和文章由作者或专栏管理员整理制作,均不代表博讯立场