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郭国汀律师专栏
***美国2008年总统大选南郭点评系列
·朗保罗--美国2008年大选最雄劲的黑马
·美国大选最新民意进展分析——美国2008年总统大选南郭点评系列之二
·美国2008年大选程序正义与演讲精华
·欧巴马的通往白宫之旅
·前国务卿鮑威尔支持欧巴马
·麦肯总统候选人的基本政策主张
***(42)中国民主运动研究
· 自由宪政民主运动与中共暴政的决战主战场何在?
·国人应当认清中共政权的极权专制流氓犯罪本质
·真正觉醒后英勇的你我他才是决定中国前途和命运的基本力量
·是谁制造了大陆中国的“暴戾之气的泛滥”?
·我为何对中共极权暴政及胡锦涛没有仇恨维有鄙视?
·是共特黑而非民运黑
·我所了解的政治新星曾节明
· 南郭点评陈子明社会运动与政治演练
· 序《我的两个中国 --一个六四天安门学生反革命的实录》
·时代的最强音:“六四”屠城二十一周年口号
· 警惕共匪假冒民运人士故意毁损民运声誉—答人民思想家
·论颠覆国家政权罪的律师辩护
·郭律师点评杨建立博士论三个中国
·退出自由中国论坛的公开声明
·陈尔晋与张国堂之争的性质
·我的几个基本观点答张国堂先生公开信
·中国民运战略研究
·中国民运当前面临问题与对策研究
·郭国汀加入民主中国阵线的公开声明
·论公推中国民运政治领袖的必要性
·论公推自荐公选民运政治精神领袖的紧迫性
·中国民主运动领袖论?答方文武先生
·关于筹建过渡政府与公选民运领袖问题的讨论
·关于民运领袖过渡政府与程序正义的争论
·历史功臣还是历史罪人?
·中国民主运动到底需要什么样的政治精神领袖?
·谁是中国民主运动政治精神领袖的最佳人选?
·谁是中共极权专制暴政最害怕的劲敌?
·郭国汀:汪兆钧信是中共内部爆炸的一颗原子弹
·严正责令胡锦涛及中共当局——立即无条件释放民运志士李国涛!
·反抗中共专制暴政的先驱者与英雄(修正)
·相会伟大的刘文辉烈士英魂
·敬请胡锦涛先生立即制止下属恶意疯狂攻击南郭之电脑
·"六四领袖去死吧!"及 " 逢共必反、逢华必反"?!
·草根吾友欲往何处去?
·真实的陈泱潮故事
·陈泱潮自传之二
·强烈推荐国人必读之最佳政论文
·答小溪先生质疑
·驳斥草虾兼与草根商榷!
·伟大的中国文化复兴宣言 郭国汀
·关于宣讲人权公约基金申请推荐函
·必须立即终止反动透顶的行政官员任命制
·自由中国论坛的不锈钢老鼠到底是什么角色?
·关注李宇宙的命运
***(43)中国民主运动的思想、理论与实践
·中国争人权言论表达自由权的先驱者与英雄名录
·民主革命论 陈泱潮
·《特权论的》精髓——对共产专制特权制度的深刻致命批判
·特权论的精髓——对共产专制特权制度的深刻致命批判 郭国汀
·枭雄黑道乱世的一百年!郭国汀
·论无产阶级民主制度下的两党制
·陈泱潮评胡锦涛
·陈泱潮论江泽民
·我为什么特别推崇陈泱潮先生的思想理论?
·天才论/郭国汀
·彻底揭露批判中共极权专制流氓暴政本质的奇书
·极权专制暴政的根源/郭国汀
·共产极权专制暴政的典型特征——简评陈泱潮的《特权论》
·论共产极权专制政权的本质——三评陈泱潮天才著作《特权论》
·何谓“无产阶级专政”
·陈泱潮论马克思主义的无产阶级专政 郭国汀
·论初级无产阶级专政 /新南郭点评
·论高级无产阶级专政 郭国汀
·中国何往?——政治思想论战书 /新南郭
·陈泱潮论改良主义/郭国汀
·文化大革命是中国民主革命的序幕 郭国汀
·陈泱潮妙评邓小平的“瞎猫屠夫理论” 郭国汀
·陈泱潮精评毛泽东 郭国汀
·论共产党官僚垄断特权阶级 郭国汀
·共产党官员为什么普遍腐化堕落?郭国汀
·“三个代表”是个什么玩意? 郭国汀
·对抗性的社会基本矛盾 郭国汀
·为何中共官员多具有奴隶主和奴仆的双重人格? 郭国汀
·共产专制特权等级制 郭国汀
·人民“公仆”是如何变成骑在人民头上作威作福的老爷的? 郭国汀
·神化首要分子神化党与邪教 郭国汀
·宗教政治与人权灵本主义 郭国汀
·陈尔晋论今日中国社会主要矛盾及前途与命运
·陈泱潮先生在当代中国思想史上的地位 作者:曾节明
***(44)反中共极权专制暴政争自由宪政人权民主绝食抗暴民权运动
·南郭致涵习近平先生
·郭律师致高智晟女儿格格的公开信
·福布斯报导高智晟失踪事件
·胡锦涛必须对高智晟受酷刑负直接罪责!
·郭国汀 高智晟律师为何不发声?
·我眼中的高智晟
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USA Constitution is in grave danger


   Al Gore speech on abuses of our Democracy by Bush
   Transcript: Al Gore On the Limits of Executive Power
   Monday, 16 January 2006

   by Al Gore
   Remarks as prepared
   Congressman Barr and I have disagreed many times over the years, but we have joined together today with thousands of our fellow citizens-Democrats and Republicans alike-to express our shared concern that America’s Constitution is in grave danger.
   In spite of our differences over ideology and politics, we are in strong agreement that the American values we hold most dear have been placed at serious risk by the unprecedented claims of the Administration to a truly breathtaking expansion of executive power.
   As we begin this new year, the Executive Branch of our government has been caught eavesdropping on huge numbers of American citizens and has brazenly declared that it has the unilateral right to continue without regard to the established law enacted by Congress to prevent such abuses.
   It is imperative that respect for the rule of law be restored.
   So, many of us have come here to Constitution Hall to sound an alarm and call upon our fellow citizens to put aside partisan differences and join with us in demanding that our Constitution be defended and preserved.
   It is appropriate that we make this appeal on the day our nation has set aside to honor the life and legacy of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., who challenged America to breathe new life into our oldest values by extending its promise to all our people.
   On this particular Martin Luther King Day, it is especially important to recall that for the last several years of his life, Dr. King was illegally wiretapped-one of hundreds of thousands of Americans whose private communications were intercepted by the U.S. government during this period.
   The FBI privately called King the “most dangerous and effective negro leader in the country” and vowed to “take him off his pedestal.” The government even attempted to destroy his marriage and blackmail him into committing suicide.
   This campaign continued until Dr. King’s murder. The discovery that the FBI conducted a long-running and extensive campaign of secret electronic surveillance designed to infiltrate the inner workings of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, and to learn the most intimate details of Dr. King’s life, helped to convince Congress to enact restrictions on wiretapping.
   The result was the Foreign Intelligence and Surveillance Act (FISA), which was enacted expressly to ensure that foreign intelligence surveillance would be presented to an impartial judge to verify that there is a sufficient cause for the surveillance. I voted for that law during my first term in Congress and for almost thirty years the system has proven a workable and valued means of according a level of protection for private citizens, while permitting foreign surveillance to continue.
   Yet, just one month ago, Americans awoke to the shocking news that in spite of this long settled law, the Executive Branch has been secretly spying on large numbers of Americans for the last four years and eavesdropping on “large volumes of telephone calls, e-mail messages, and other Internet traffic inside the United States.” The New York Times reported that the President decided to launch this massive eavesdropping program “without search warrants or any new laws that would permit such domestic intelligence collection.”
   During the period when this eavesdropping was still secret, the President went out of his way to reassure the American people on more than one occasion that, of course, judicial permission is required for any government spying on American citizens and that, of course, these constitutional safeguards were still in place.
   But surprisingly, the President’s soothing statements turned out to be false. Moreover, as soon as this massive domestic spying program was uncovered by the press, the President not only confirmed that the story was true, but also declared that he has no intention of bringing these wholesale invasions of privacy to an end.
   At present, we still have much to learn about the NSA’s domestic surveillance. What we do know about this pervasive wiretapping virtually compels the conclusion that the President of the United States has been breaking the law repeatedly and persistently.
   A president who breaks the law is a threat to the very structure of our government. Our Founding Fathers were adamant that they had established a government of laws and not men. Indeed, they recognized that the structure of government they had enshrined in our Constitution - our system of checks and balances - was designed with a central purpose of ensuring that it would govern through the rule of law. As John Adams said: “The executive shall never exercise the legislative and judicial powers, or either of them, to the end that it may be a government of laws and not of men.”
   An executive who arrogates to himself the power to ignore the legitimate legislative directives of the Congress or to act free of the check of the judiciary becomes the central threat that the Founders sought to nullify in the Constitution - an all-powerful executive too reminiscent of the King from whom they had broken free. In the words of James Madison, “the accumulation of all powers, legislative, executive, and judiciary, in the same hands, whether of one, a few, or many, and whether hereditary, self-appointed, or elective, may justly be pronounced the very definition of tyranny.”
   Thomas Paine, whose pamphlet, “On Common Sense” ignited the American Revolution, succinctly described America’s alternative. Here, he said, we intended to make certain that “the law is king.”
   Vigilant adherence to the rule of law strengthens our democracy and strengthens America. It ensures that those who govern us operate within our constitutional structure, which means that our democratic institutions play their indispensable role in shaping policy and determining the direction of our nation. It means that the people of this nation ultimately determine its course and not executive officials operating in secret without constraint.
   The rule of law makes us stronger by ensuring that decisions will be tested, studied, reviewed and examined through the processes of government that are designed to improve policy. And the knowledge that they will be reviewed prevents over-reaching and checks the accretion of power.
   A commitment to openness, truthfulness and accountability also helps our country avoid many serious mistakes. Recently, for example, we learned from recently classified declassified documents that the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, which authorized the tragic Vietnam war, was actually based on false information. We now know that the decision by Congress to authorize the Iraq War, 38 years later, was also based on false information. America would have been better off knowing the truth and avoiding both of these colossal mistakes in our history. Following the rule of law makes us safer, not more vulnerable.
   The President and I agree on one thing. The threat from terrorism is all too real. There is simply no question that we continue to face new challenges in the wake of the attack on September 11th and that we must be ever-vigilant in protecting our citizens from harm.
   Where we disagree is that we have to break the law or sacrifice our system of government to protect Americans from terrorism. In fact, doing so makes us weaker and more vulnerable.
   Once violated, the rule of law is in danger. Unless stopped, lawlessness grows. The greater the power of the executive grows, the more difficult it becomes for the other branches to perform their constitutional roles. As the executive acts outside its constitutionally prescribed role and is able to control access to information that would expose its actions, it becomes increasingly difficult for the other branches to police it. Once that ability is lost, democracy itself is threatened and we become a government of men and not laws.

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