政党社团之声
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[主页]->[政党社团之声]->[缅甸风云]->[Interview with Sai Wansai, General Secretary of SDU]
BURMA-缅甸风云
·第七次非缅族社区发展会议的声明
·Statement of the 7th Ethnic Community Development Seminar
·克伦族联盟KNU的各族平等斗争
·KNU's Struggle for Democracy & Equality of ALL Nationalities
·可敬的柏林日本妇女小组
·Respectable Japanese Women Initiative Berlin
·About KNU’s Aims, Policy and Programme
·克伦族联盟KNU的目标、政策与纲领
·Appeal to UN Security Council
·呼吁联合国安理会保护缅甸人民
·悼念恩师林丽华
·缅甸事件已呈请联合国安理会干涉
·A CALL FOR UN SECURITY COUNCIL TO ACT IN BURMA
·缅甸华族致函中国驻联合国安理会常任代表团
·Burma's Chinese Appeal to PR China's Permanent Mission to UN Security
·缅甸克钦邦停战组织之内讧
·No More Peace for Burma's Peace Groups
·缅甸华族致函英国:呼吁联合国安理会干预缅甸
·Burma's Chinese Call England for the UN Security Council to Act in Burma
·SDU敦促安理会干涉威胁和平的缅甸
·SDU’ s STATEMENT On “Threat To The Peace: A Call For The UN Security Council To Act in Burma”
·安理会、军政府、民主力量、众民族力量、缅甸华族
·Burmese case at the UNSC: A Silver Lining
·来世不要这地狱!
·NEVER SUCH HELL IN NEXT LIFE!
·缅甸政党纷纷声援"报告书" (续)
·Endorsements from Burma's Democracy & Ethnic Forces (continue)
·欧盟的缅甸战略
·An EU strategy for Burma ?
·Annihilate Burma’s Poverty & Inequality
·消灭缅甸的贫穷与不平等
·美国国防专家看中缅关系
·Beckoning Burma
·缅甸搬迁军政总部与核能基地
·Burma Nuke Plant: Plains to Hills
·貌强:缅甸民主社团上书荷兰外交部
·貌强 :BDC-NL Appeals Dutch Government for Burma Issue
·寻找中国的同情与支持
·貌强: Seek China's Support
·缅甸国内外情势的阴阳转化
·貌强: Burma's Situation and Taiji's Yin & Yang
·布什会见缅甸掸族巾帼英雄蔷冬
·貌强:Bush met Charm Tong, The Shan Heroine of Burma
·貌强:A Burmese Confesses to Oppressed Ethnic People & My Comment
·貌强:一缅族向众原住民忏悔与我的答评
·Win教授、洋学者、貌强座谈缅甸问题
·貌强:Prof. Win's An Attempt on Jigsaw Puzzle
·貌强:缅甸将军们为保权而一意孤行
·貌强: SDU & USA Condemn Burmese Junta’s Sentence on 8 Shan Leaders
·缅甸迁都:惧美?内战?风水?禳灾?
·貌强:Capital Moves to Pyinmana, WHY?
·世界对缅甸的看法
·貌强:How The World Views Burma’s Junta ?
·貌强:Master In Civil War & Disintegrating
·貌强:缅甸内战与分化高手
·貌强:Discussion on Contemporary Situation in Shan State with Sai Wansai of SDU
·貌强:与赛万赛谈掸邦现状
·貌强:Shan State Army Is Against Racial Hatred & Union Disintegration
·貌强: 众停战组织反对种族仇恨与联邦分裂
·貌强:Burmese Echos to UNSC Briefing On Burma
·貌强:安理会的缅甸简报与反响
·貌强:缅甸制宪国民大会又续开了!
·貌强:Burma Re-opens National Convention
·貌强:缅甸联邦宪法起草委员会FCGCC告人民书
·貌强:Press Release by Federal Constitution Drafting & Coordinating Committee-Union of Burma (FCDCC)
·貌强:缅甸新社会民主党DPNS与记者谈话
·貌强:Burmese DPNS ’s Press Conference
·Shan-EU: Time for ASEAN and UN to act in tandem
·赛万赛与貌强谈: 缅甸年终现状
·貌强:缅甸众土族委员会ENC欢迎东盟的呼吁
·貌强:ENC Statement 6/2005 =Welcome ASEAN’s EFFORD
·貌强:Sai Wansai & Maung Chan Talk about Burma’s Situation
·缅甸制宪大会与停战集团、和平集团、抗争力量
·貌强: The Struggle Between the Junta and Its broad Opponents
·貌强:缅甸的“无声杀戮场”
·貌强:Burma's Silent Killing Fields
·貌强: 中国边民遭缅军射杀
·貌强:Poor Border Chinese Shot Dead by Burma Army
·貌强:“人民”“人民”,缅甸将军假汝名而独裁!
·貌强:The Fascist Generals using “ people’s name ” to oppress people
·貌强 :第七届旅欧缅甸人民论坛
·貌强:The 7th. Burmese Forum In Europe
·貌强:棒喝缅甸将军们要以史为鉴
·貌强:Military Dictatorship vs. Colonialism
·貌强:翻开2006年新一页!
·貌强:Turning A New Page/Enter 2006!
·貌强: Mong Tai Army’s Surrender & Restoration of Shan State
·掸邦军重建掸邦的成败得失
·貌强:Arch Usurper of State Power and People's Wealth
·缅甸窃国大盗
·奉劝缅甸将军们:诸恶莫犯,诸善奉行
·貌强:Good Deeds Will Be Rewarded and Evil Punished
·欧洲决续慈善捐助缅甸艾滋病患民
·貌强:European Plans to Re-donors AIDS Help to Burma
·貌强:Only Democracy & Real Federalism Can Rescue Burma!
·停止内战,反对分裂,建立真正联邦制!
·貌强:Editorial: Shan State and Union of Burma
·掸邦与缅甸联邦的恩恩怨怨
·缅甸各邦各族人民纪念“联邦节”
·貌强:Burma’s States & People Celebrate “Union Day”
·貌强:Burmese Generals! Return to the Right Path!
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Interview with Sai Wansai, General Secretary of SDU

by BOXUN NEWS (S.H.A.N. & Burma's News Published by Burma's Chinese 貌强 )on 04 JUNE 2005

    Recently, an article advocating the forming of a federal union without theBurman state or Burma Proper have been publicized and it creates somecuriosity, if not alarmed, on this trend of advocacy.

    Maung Chan of Boxun News (S.H.A.N. & Burma's News Published by Burma's Chinese ) called on Sai Wansai, General Secretary of the Shan Democratic Union SDU ,who is familiar with Burmans' and non-Burmans’ political scenario, to clarify the motive behind such an outburst.

    MgChan - What is your opinion on Prof. Kanbawza Win's article of forming afederal union without the Burmans?

    SaiWanSai - Prof. Kanbawza Win, as an individual is entitled to express hisown opinion and it is not necessarily the political stand of the non-Burmanethnic nationality groups. But my interpretation is that he might like topoint out that many of the Burman opposition elements still cannot cleanthemselves of racial supremacy, chauvinism or big brother mentalityvis-à-vis the other non-Burman groups. This, in turn, leads to the thinking of "if the Burmans are so consumed by their own political agendas of placing themselves above the norms of "equality, restoration of democracy and the rights of self-determination, the non-Burman ethnic nationality groups might as well form a union without the Burmans". The outburst is more on the side of venting anger on the indifferent Burman majority stakeholders, both within the military junta and opposition camps, than actually wanting to exclude the Burmans.

    MgChan - How many kind of conflict resolution outcomes could you envisage,apart from forming a federal union without the Burmans?

    SaiWanSai - Before we talk about conflict resolution, we should first lookinto the cause of conflict and type of conflict.

    Cause of conflict

    To understand the cause of conflict we could generally bundled the issuestogether into four major headings, namely: "Conceptual Differences,Constitutional Crisis, National Identity and Majority-MinorityConfiguration".

    1. Conceptual Differences

    The successive military dominated regimes, including the ruling SPDC, seeBurma as an existing unified nation since the reign of Anawratha thousandsof years ago. As such, all other non-Burmans – Shan, Kachin, Chin,Arakanese, Mon, Karen and Karenni - are seen as minorities, which must becontrolled and suppressed, lest they break up the country.

    On the other hand, the non-Burmans maintain that the Union of Burma is anewly developed territorial entity, founded by a treaty, the PanglongAgreement, where independent territories merged together on equal basis.

    Given such conceptual differences, the Burmese military goes about with itsimplementation of protecting “national sovereignty” and “national unity”at all cost. This, in turn, gives way to open conflict resulting in more suppression and gross human rights violations. The intolerance of themilitary and its inspiration to “racial supremacy”, political dominationand control has no limit and could be seen by its refusal to hand over power to the winners of 1990 nation-wide election, the NLD, SNLD and other ethnic parties. The genuine federalism platform, which the NLD and ethnicnationalities embrace, is a threat to its racist mind-set and obsession ofdomination and control.

    2. Constitutional Crisis

    The woes of Burma today are deeply rooted in the inadequate constitutionaldrafting of 1947. The Union Constitution was rushed through to completionwithout reflecting the spirit of Panglong. The ethnic homelands wererecognized as constituent states but all power was concentrated in thecentral government or the government of the Burma Mother state.

    Almost all the non-Burmans and Burman democratic opposition groups are inagreement that the ethnic conflict and reform of social, political andeconomics cannot be separated from one another. And the only solution andanswer is to amend the 1947 Constitution according to Panglong Agreement,where equality, voluntary participation and self-determination, of theconstituent states, formed the basis for the Republic of the Union of Burma.

    3. National Identity

    The views of successive Burmese governments, including the present regime,SPDC, concerning national identity has never been clear. They have been at a loss even as to what sort of name they should adopt; that is the reason why they are still using "Bamar“ and "Myanmar" interchangeably for what they would like to be termed a common collective identity, in other words,national identity. The reality is that when one entions "Myanmar", "Bamar","Burmese" or "Burman", such words are usually identified with the lowlandmajority "Bamar” and have never been accepted or understood by thenon-Bamar ethnic nationals as a common collective identity to which theyalso belong.

    Meanwhile, just a few years back, the present Burmese military regimechanged the name of Burma to Myanmar. Its aim is to create a nationalidentity for every ethnic group residing within the boundary of theso-called Union of Myanmar. But since the name Myanmar has always beenidentified with the lowland "Bamar", the SPDC effort the SPDC’s effort intrying to establish a common national identity among the non-Bamar ethnicnationals is only doomed to fail. On top of that, this national identity was not chosen with the consent of the non-Bamar ethnic groups, but coercively thrust down their throats by the hated Burmese military dictatorship.

    It has never been the case to hear anyone mentioning that he or she is aBamar Myanmar, Shan Myanmar, Kachin Myanmar, Karen Myanmar and so on. In the United States, by contrast, it is normal that one considers or acceptsoneself as an American; such as, the use of Chinese American, JapaneseAmerican, Afro-American and so on are common and widespread.

    Another crucial point that most tend to overlook is that the maintenance ofthe former European colonial boundaries as irreversible and sacrosanctnational state boundaries. This, in reality, only creates unending ethnicconflicts the world over affecting international stability. Burma is such acase, infested with ethnic and social conflicts.

    The point to note here is that the successive Burmese governments'nation-building process has totally shattered, failing even to take rootafter all these years, not to mention the forging of common nationalidentity. It would be more pragmatic to accept the existing diversified“national identities” of all ethnic nationalities as a fact and work for a new common identity in the future federal union with the consent andparticipation of all ethnic groups, Burman included.

    4. Majority-Minority Configuration

    The misconception of majority-minority configuration has been so entrenched;at least in medias and academic studies, it needs some clarification.

    The Burman are majority in Burma Proper and in numerical sense, but become a minority in the Shan States, Arakan, Chin, Kachin, Karenni, Karen, and the Mon states, where respective ethnic groups are in majority within their own territories.

    Besides, Burma was formed in 1947 by virtue of the Panglong Agreement, oneyear prior to independence. This agreement was signed between the interimgovernment of Ministerial Burma, headed by Aung San, and leaders of the Federated Shan States, the Chin Hill Tract, and the Kachin Hill Tract. Itcould be said that this agreement is the genesis of the post-colonial,current Burma.

    Thus, the indigenous groups of Burma -- Shan, Arakanese, Chin, Kachin,Karenni, Karen, Mon and including the Burman -- are not minorities ormajorities but equal partners in a union of territories, the Union of Burma.

    Type of conflict

    Within Burma political arena there are roughly only two types of conflict.One is the ethnic conflict, which has a vertical nature in contrast tohorizontal one, and the other, the ideological conflict played out betweenentrenched military dictatorship and the democratic aspiration of thepeople, which has a horizontal effect, covering the whole political spectrum within Burma.

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