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BURMA-缅甸风云
·貌强:Prof. Win's An Attempt on Jigsaw Puzzle
·貌强:缅甸将军们为保权而一意孤行
·貌强: SDU & USA Condemn Burmese Junta’s Sentence on 8 Shan Leaders
·缅甸迁都:惧美?内战?风水?禳灾?
·貌强:Capital Moves to Pyinmana, WHY?
·世界对缅甸的看法
·貌强:How The World Views Burma’s Junta ?
·貌强:Master In Civil War & Disintegrating
·貌强:缅甸内战与分化高手
·貌强:Discussion on Contemporary Situation in Shan State with Sai Wansai of SDU
·貌强:与赛万赛谈掸邦现状
·貌强:Shan State Army Is Against Racial Hatred & Union Disintegration
·貌强: 众停战组织反对种族仇恨与联邦分裂
·貌强:Burmese Echos to UNSC Briefing On Burma
·貌强:安理会的缅甸简报与反响
·貌强:缅甸制宪国民大会又续开了!
·貌强:Burma Re-opens National Convention
·貌强:缅甸联邦宪法起草委员会FCGCC告人民书
·貌强:Press Release by Federal Constitution Drafting & Coordinating Committee-Union of Burma (FCDCC)
·貌强:缅甸新社会民主党DPNS与记者谈话
·貌强:Burmese DPNS ’s Press Conference
·Shan-EU: Time for ASEAN and UN to act in tandem
·赛万赛与貌强谈: 缅甸年终现状
·貌强:缅甸众土族委员会ENC欢迎东盟的呼吁
·貌强:ENC Statement 6/2005 =Welcome ASEAN’s EFFORD
·貌强:Sai Wansai & Maung Chan Talk about Burma’s Situation
·缅甸制宪大会与停战集团、和平集团、抗争力量
·貌强: The Struggle Between the Junta and Its broad Opponents
·貌强:缅甸的“无声杀戮场”
·貌强:Burma's Silent Killing Fields
·貌强: 中国边民遭缅军射杀
·貌强:Poor Border Chinese Shot Dead by Burma Army
·貌强:“人民”“人民”,缅甸将军假汝名而独裁!
·貌强:The Fascist Generals using “ people’s name ” to oppress people
·貌强 :第七届旅欧缅甸人民论坛
·貌强:The 7th. Burmese Forum In Europe
·貌强:棒喝缅甸将军们要以史为鉴
·貌强:Military Dictatorship vs. Colonialism
·貌强:翻开2006年新一页!
·貌强:Turning A New Page/Enter 2006!
·貌强: Mong Tai Army’s Surrender & Restoration of Shan State
·掸邦军重建掸邦的成败得失
·貌强:Arch Usurper of State Power and People's Wealth
·缅甸窃国大盗
·奉劝缅甸将军们:诸恶莫犯,诸善奉行
·貌强:Good Deeds Will Be Rewarded and Evil Punished
·欧洲决续慈善捐助缅甸艾滋病患民
·貌强:European Plans to Re-donors AIDS Help to Burma
·貌强:Only Democracy & Real Federalism Can Rescue Burma!
·停止内战,反对分裂,建立真正联邦制!
·貌强:Editorial: Shan State and Union of Burma
·掸邦与缅甸联邦的恩恩怨怨
·缅甸各邦各族人民纪念“联邦节”
·貌强:Burma’s States & People Celebrate “Union Day”
·貌强:Burmese Generals! Return to the Right Path!
·将军们! 放下屠刀,立功补过 !
·貌强:Statement of Concern by Burma's Chinese
·缅甸华族也关注欧盟的缅甸政策
·缅甸建军节
·泰国清迈大学2007年AEIOU寒季奖学金招生
·同林老师悠游威尔斯与温莎堡
·带林老师悠游海牙
·带林老师悠游阿姆斯特丹
·与林老师对饮茅台酒
·同林老师追忆中国援缅远征军
·与林老师谈昂山与吴素:
·漫谈缅甸“姓氏”: 德钦、貌、哥、吴、玛、杜
·缅甸政坛恩仇录
·环行荷兰8省,悠游Leeuwarden半日
·貌强带两千金悠游云南
·貌强: 回故乡
·Bush! 放下你的皮鞭与屠刀!
·缅甸各族人民的不懈斗争
·貌强:Free All Political Prisoners and Stop Killing Ethnic People!
·释放政治犯!停杀原住民!
·貌强:TOTAL A ETE TOTALEMENT REJETE
·貌强:以民主、人权、自决权为缅甸建国与办学基石
·貌强:'TOTAL was Totally Rejected'
·貌强补充一二,以飨欧洲华报读者
·貌强:Taiwan People Demand :
·台湾人民要求缅甸军政府:
·缅甸众土族力量2006年现状
·貌强:The situation of Burma’s Ethnic Nationalities in 2006
·貌强:Debts of blood Must Be Paid in Blood!
·貌强: 血债要血还!
·貌强:Keep Burma's Seat Vacant
·“缅甸文摘”社论:敬请空置缅甸席位
·貌强:都灵市缅甸策略研讨会
·貌强:Strategic Consultation on Burma in Turin
·貌强:Curent SPDC Offensive and our KNU Counter-attack
·缅甸军政府的攻势与我族我军的反击
·克伦族联盟主席在56届克伦族烈士节的讲话
·貌强:KNU President's Address on 56th Anniversary of Martyrs' Day
·貌强:第八届缅甸联邦民族委员会已选出
·钦民族战线代表团访问旅欧钦族社区
·缅甸各族青年联合行动团之声明
·有关国际法内的自决权
·貌强:UNPO’s Symposium on the Right to Self-determination in International Law
·对“国际法内的自决权”的我见
·Busdachin’s Speech on “Self-Determination Right in International Law”
·UNPO: UN Human Rights Council Briefed on Human Rights in Myanmar
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Shan-EU: Time for ASEAN and UN to act in tandem

   ( S.H.A.N & Burma's News Published by Burma's Chinese 貌强 )

   Tuesday, 13 December 2005

   Positive development seldom comes about, particularly in the case of Burma, the ASEAN's problem child. But this might be changing for the inward-looking Burmese military junta is having a second thought and even agreeing to open its door to ASEAN-led initiative to assess its so-called democratisation process. Hopefully, the junta would earnestly comply to its promise and not back down again for fear of real democratisation in all-inclusive term, as called for by the UN and well-meaning, concerned international and regional players.

   Encouraging news, that make many think that the positive change might be in the offing are, first, the US-led UNSC informal briefing; second, the ASEAN's insistence that Burma needs speedy change in its democratisation process; third, Burma's PM Soe Win's agreement or positive response that ASEAN-led team would be allowed to assess the real situation in Burma; fourth, the recent Kuala Lumpur Declaration on the Establishment of the ASEAN Charter, emphasizing the promotion of democracy, human rights and obligations; and fifth, United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s commendation of the ASEAN for its call on Myanmar to “expedite” both its political reform efforts and its release of political detainees and the positive response of Burma's decision to accept the envoy.

   While ASEAN's good will intervention is a welcomed move, it should not forget that the core of the problem in Burma is two folds. One is the constitutional crisis or proper arrangement to reflect the desire and aspiration of the people, which stem from conceptual differences between the Burman dominated military regime and non-Burman ethnic nationalities, and the other, the immediate humanitarian crisis, which is threatening to explode into regional and international ramification.

   The woes of Burma today are deeply rooted in the inadequate constitutional drafting of 1947. The Union Constitution was rushed through to completion without reflecting the spirit of Panglong. The ethnic homelands were recognized as constituent states but all power was concentrated in the central government or the government of the Burma Mother state.

   Almost all the non-Burmans and Burman democratic opposition groups are in agreement that the ethnic conflict and reform of social, political and economics cannot be separated from one another. And the only solution and answer is to amend the 1947 Constitution according to Panglong Agreement, where equality, voluntary participation and self-determination, of the constituent states, formed the basis for the Republic of the Union of Burma.

   The successive military dominated regimes, including the ruling SPDC, see Burma as an existing unified nation since the reign of Anawratha thousands of years ago. As such, all other non-Burmans – Shan, Kachin, Chin, Arakanese, Mon, Karen and Karenni - are seen as minorities, which must be controlled and suppressed, lest they break up the country.

   On the other hand, the non-Burmans maintain that the Union of Burma is a newly developed territorial entity, founded by a treaty, the Panglong Agreement, where independent territories merged together on equal basis.

   Given such conceptual differences, the Burmese military goes about with its implementation of protecting “national sovereignty” and “national unity” at all cost. This, in turn, gives way to open conflict resulting in more suppression and gross human rights violations. The intolerance of the military and its inspiration to “racial supremacy”, political domination and control has no limit and could be seen by its refusal to hand over power to the winners of 1990 nation-wide election, the NLD, SNLD and other ethnic-based political parties. The genuine federalism platform, which the NLD and ethnic nationalities embrace, is a threat to its racist mind-set and obsession of domination and control.

   Within Burma political arena there are roughly only two types of conflict. One is the ethnic conflict, which has a vertical nature in contrast to horizontal one, and the other, the ideological conflict played out between entrenched military dictatorship and the democratic aspiration of the people, which has a horizontal effect, covering the whole political spectrum within Burma.

   The ethnic conflict is seen as vertical for the oppression of the non-Burman nationality groups comes only from the dominant, ruling Burmese military clique and not horizontally spread out racial-instigated hatred like one people killing another, such as in Sudan or Rwanda.

   In contrast, the conflict between military dictatorship and democratic aspiration of the people is horizontal, for the desire of democratisation or a change to civilian rule is widespread and among the peoples of Burma.

Humanitarian Intervention

   While humanitarian aids to the needy population must be tackle fast and as comprehensive as possible, it is problematic to fundamentally implement it in a nation-wide scale. To be able to address it at such level, political settlement and peaceful atmosphere must be in place first and there is no other alternative. But this is not to say that piecemeal humanitarian help should be neglected. In contrast, the already existing projects should be expanded to cover more grounds, while conflict resolution or political settlement must go in tandem or hand-in-hand, so that the two processes could complement each other.

   For example, the contested border areas along Burma-Thai border could be a case in point. The Shan, Karenni, Karen and Mon areas along the Thai-Burma border, where around half a million or more refugees and internally displaced persons (IDP) are residing, should be a project where ASEAN and the UN could alleviate the sufferings of the population from hunger, disease, shortage of food and accommodation. Thailand being a signatory of the recent ASEAN Charter shouldn't have problem to let the international humanitarian aids agencies implement the project. Burma, which also recognises the humanitarian need shouldn't object such intervention by claiming the notion of "non-intervention". If it is not in a position to help, it might as well agree formally to it and the ongoing process will evolve automatically, i.e., developing trust and understanding through cooperation with the international agencies, the battered population and last but not least, the resistance armies of the Shan, Karenni, Karen and Mon. In turn, with the healing process and time, peaceful co-existence could be worked out in the long run, with the peoples who are at war with the Burman dominated Burma Army for decades.

   Though the military junta have been sending mixed signals by indicating that it is willing to "dig-in", if pressured too much, the recent acceptance of the ASEAN overture is a welcomed start and all parties concerned should take this hint and "strike while the iron is red". So that a long waited positive outcome might be given a chance to start.

   In concrete terms, UN and ASEAN could take this opportunity to push for more opening of the political arena, leading to reconciliation, restoration of democracy and equality.

   In this respect, the forth-coming UNSC informal briefing should happen soon before the end of the year and if possible, personally conducted or briefed by the UN General Secretary to show the seriousness and commitment for a real positive change in Burma.

   ASEAN's immediate follow-up should take place, sooner than later, to loosen the political tension by first securing the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, Hkun Htun Oo and all political prisoners, followed by nation-wide ceasefire and gradual implementation of all-inclusive national convention, with the promise that the military regime would be an integral part of the transitional process and guarantee of blanket amnesty for its human rights violations.

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