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临沂计划生育调查手记
·蒙河边的抗争—临沂计划生育调查手记之一
·“我家亲戚被抓了22口”—临沂计划生育调查手记之二
·她的眼里没有泪水—临沂计划生育调查手记之三
·到办公室上课去!—临沂计划生育调查手记之四
·不扎也得扎!—临沂计划生育调查手记之五
·学习班—临沂计划生育调查手记之六
·向人性宣战—临沂计划生育调查手记之七
·“盯关跟主义”—临沂计划生育调查手记之八
·人性不曾屈服—临沂计划生育调查手记之九
·野蛮是如何炼成的?—临沂计划生育调查手记之十
·后记:
·有谁战胜过真相
·法治中国需要中国法律人的良知及责任—致世界法律大会中国代表的公开信
·从上书到公开信
·是谁在“严重威胁社会秩序”?—关于游行示威权利的行政复议申请书
·致陈光诚的一封信
·用微笑来面对那些制造恐惧的人——和高智晟在一起的一个下午
·2+2=4的自由
·推倒「新闻柏林围墙」——透视中国新闻自由的前景
·恢复收容遣送制度等于开历史倒车
·陈光诚案凸显中国法治的困局
·暗夜里的光明之舞
·中国维权运动往何处去?
·陈光诚是如何被定罪的?(补充版)
·Crusader in a legal wilderness
·China’s blind Justice
·China's Political Courts
·以公民的姿态挺身而出/闵家桥
·“最可贵的是她有健康的公民意识”——关于公民王淑荣的对话
·“阳光宪政”的护卫者/民主与法制杂志
·要让好人走到一起,才能合力纠错——奥美定事件亲历者访谈录/南方周末
·李卫平: 被迫走出书斋的维权者——著名维权律师滕彪访谈录
·太阳城:写在第三期“名家说法”被命令取消之后
·滕彪印象/法制日报
·Rule of Law requires our consciousness and responsibility
·临沂野蛮计生与陈光诚事件维权大事记(2006-11-7)
·耻为盛世添顺骨
·中国时报专访:盼与政府互动 和平维权
·滕彪博士:精神家园的守望者/刘爽
·司法改良和公民维权——学而思沙龙的网谈
·学术、政治与生活——2006年12月17日做客沧海论坛在线交流记录
·黎明前的见证
·看看我们的朋友——致受难中的高智晟和他的妻子和孩子
·临沂警匪暴行录
·临沂野蛮计生事件及陈光诚案维权大事记(五——七)
·中国当代宪政主义者的困境和选择/林泽波
·通过汉语改变中国
·茶人滕彪/萧瀚
·崔英杰案:“慎杀时代”的第一个考验
·死刑、司法与中国人权
·废除死刑的中国语境——在第三届世界反死刑大会上的发言
·司法独立,和谐中国——2007年“两会”之际的公民呼吁/许志永 滕彪
·彻底改革司法才能避免滥用死刑
·崔英杰案,在多重反思中寻找契机
·从“两会”看赎回选票运动
·关于尽快将青岛市四方区政府违法拆迁行为纳入法制轨道的法律意见书
·青岛野蛮拆迁:袁薪玉被控放火和妨害公务案一审的当庭辩护意见
·维权书简·戴脚镣的舞者
·被遗忘的谎言——就《成都晚报》事件致中宣部长和教育部长的一封信
·滕彪:可怕的“冤案递增律”
·不是我不明白
·张敏:滕彪律师访美谈中国司法现状与维权
·萧洵:纸包子案记者被判刑引发强烈质疑
·自由亚洲电台:拾荒者遇上联防离奇死亡 孙志刚式悲剧首都重现?
·何亚福 王鑫海 杨支柱等:放开二胎倡议书
·临沂野蛮计生事件及陈光诚案维权大事记(八--九)
·一个案件的真相与两个案件的正义(附:“聂树斌案”到了最危急时刻!)
·滕彪、胡佳:奥运前的中国真相
·郑筱萸案扇了死刑复核程序一记耳光/滕彪 李方平
·“杀害自己孩子的民族没有未来!”
·关于李和平律师被绑架殴打致国务院、最高人民检察院、公安部、国家安全部的公开信(签名中)
·NO FIGHTS,NO RIGHTS——接受博闻社采访谈中国人权现状
·挽包遵信先生
·香港电台铿锵集:扣着脚镣跳舞的中国律师
·那些陌生的人们在我们心底哭泣——推荐一个短片
·关于邮箱被盗用的声明
·《律师法》37条:为律师准备的新陷阱
·保护维权律师,实现法治——采访法学博士滕彪律师/张程
·Six Attorneys Openly Defend Falun Gong in Chinese Court
·李和平 滕彪等:为法轮功学员辩护-宪法至上 信仰自由
·面对暴力的思考与记忆——致李和平
·专访滕彪律师:《律师法》2007修订与维权/RFA张敏
·The Real China before the Olympics/Teng Biao,Hu jia
·我们不能坐等美好的社会到来
·律师:维权人士胡佳将受到起诉
·胡佳被捕 顯示中國要在奧運之前大清場
·人权的价值与正义的利益
·抓捕胡佳意味着什么?
·关于《奥运前的中国真相》一文的说明——声援胡佳之一
·邮箱作废声明
·关于审查和改变《互联网视听节目服务管理规定》部分不适当条款的建议
·胡佳的大爱与大勇
·后极权时代的公民美德与公民责任
·狱中致爱人
·奥运和乞丐不能并存?
·滕彪李苏滨关于青岛于建利涉嫌诽谤罪案的辩护意见
·纽约时报社评:中国的爱国小将们
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Why the West treats China with kid gloves

When Beijing put Spain ‘in the fridge,’ and other lessons on China’s tough tactics in response to challenges to its human rights record.
   
   By DIEGO TORRES
   
   If you want to know why the European Union has shied from challenging China on its human rights record, look no further than what happened the last time a European country crossed Beijing.

   
   In November 2013, a Spanish court ordered a prosecuting magistrate in charge of an investigation into an alleged genocide in Tibet to issue international arrest warrants for former Chinese President Jiang Zemin, former Prime Minister Li Peng and three other retired top Communist officials.
   
   The case stemmed from a lawsuit filed in 2006 by two Tibetan support groups based in Spain and a Tibetan exile with Spanish nationality. It took advantage of a local law that allowed Spanish judges to prosecute crimes against humanity committed outside the country — legislation that famously led to the arrest of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet in the U.K. in 1998.
   
   Beijing didn’t take long to respond. Two days after the ruling, a Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson, Hong Lei, expressed Beijing’s “strong dissatisfaction and firm opposition” to the investigation and warned Spanish authorities “not [to] do things that harm the Chinese side and the relationship between China and Spain.”
   
   Behind the scenes, Beijing froze all high-level meetings with Spanish representatives, including a state visit by Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, according to two sources in the foreign and economy ministries.
   
   “They put us in the fridge for a while,” said a Spanish official who was working in Beijing at the time.
   
   Much was at stake for Madrid and its relationship with the world’s second biggest economy, as the country started to recover from an economic crisis that had wiped 10 percent off its GDP over the previous five years.
   
   More and more countries are shying away from criticizing Beijing for fear of economic retaliation.
   China had bought Spanish public debt when Madrid was struggling to deal with rising borrowing costs. The figures aren’t public but some reports said that in 2014 Beijing held 20 percent of Spanish bonds not held by the country’s residents.
   
   The Spanish government feared that Beijing could unleash a new surge in borrowing costs by suddenly selling its titles, according to a Spanish official who worked in Beijing at the time.
   
   Meanwhile, two of the biggest Spanish investments in China — Abengoa’s desalination plant in Shandong and Ferroatlántica’s silicon processing plant in Sichuan — were having trouble with local governments and partners, and Madrid was trying to smooth things over via officials in Beijing. Also, Spanish exports, one of the keys of the still fragile economic recovery, were growing nicely in China.
   
   Self-censorship
   
   If the diplomatic crisis didn’t have a perceptible impact on economic relationship between the two countries, that’s because Madrid worked hard to make sure it wouldn’t. On February 27, 2014, just 17 days after the warrants were finally issued, Rajoy’s Popular Party passed a reform in Congress to limit the use of universal jurisdiction. The prosecution against Jiang and the other officials was dismissed four months later. “I don’t know what would have happened if the problem hadn’t been solved quickly,” said the Spanish official who worked in Beijing at the time.
   
   The Chinese state-owned, nationalistic tabloid Global Times had criticized the court case as hypocritical, pointing out that Spain “didn’t get rid of fascism until 1975” and has a “nasty history” of “colonialism, racial discrimination and persecution of left-wing forces.”
   
   Yet the way the case was handled by Madrid reveals a global trend that has been condemned by human rights organizations worldwide and which is being felt on the ground by Chinese activists who risk their lives by speaking up against their government’s abuses. As China’s power continues to grow, more and more countries are shying away from criticizing Beijing for fear of economic retaliation.
   
   The Dalai Lama stands by French MPs Jean-Patrick Gille and Noël Mamère in 2016. It was the Dalai Lama's first visit to France in five years | Philippe Lopez/AFP via Getty Images
   The Dalai Lama stands by French MPs Jean-Patrick Gille and Noel Mamere in 2016. It was the Dalai Lama’s first visit to France in five years | Philippe Lopez/AFP via Getty Images
   The trend can be seen in symbolic gestures, such as the fast declining number of public condemnations on the anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen massacre each year on June 4. In the past, these diplomatic denunciations rolled out by the dozens. In 2017, only two countries — the U.S. and Germany — issued a public statement.
   
   Another sign is the shunning of the Dalai Lama. Europe had been the Tibetan spiritual leader’s most important travel destination outside India between 1991 and 2008, according to research by professors at the University of Goettingen. Nowadays, most European governments avoid direct contact with him, according to the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR).
   
   “The international community and Western countries pay less and less attention to human rights in China,” said Teng Biao, a Chinese human rights lawyer who fled the country in 2014 and is currently a visiting scholar at New York University. “The West is unwilling to offend the Chinese Communist Party,” he added. “Governments, scholars, NGOs … there’s a generalized self-censorship in regard to Chinese problems.”
   
   ‘More aggressive’
   
   Hu Jia, a Chinese dissident who spent three-and-a-half years in prison for “subversion of state power” and still suffers regular house arrests in his home in Beijing, said: “The international community is more and more afraid of criticizing the Chinese Communist Party,” because of the need for cooperation in areas like the economy, climate change, security and terrorism.
   
   Hu, who was awarded the European Parliament Sakharov Prize for work on human rights in 2008, said people like him “feel disappointed” when Western leaders give in to Chinese pressure and “reduce mentions or even remain silent” about human rights abuses in China in their meetings with Communist officials.
   
   “It’s not just Western countries, it’s Eastern countries and international institutions as well,” said Sophie Richardson, the China director at Human Rights Watch. “China has got much more aggressive,” she said, about making threats and getting governments to “very publicly yield to that pressure.”
   
   In Europe, Norway suffered a sharp fall in Chinese salmon imports, a freezing of trade talks and a cancelation of high-level contacts after Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2010.
   
   Relations between Beijing and Oslo only normalized in December 2016. Both capitals issued a joint declaration. “The Norwegian government fully respects China’s development path and social system, and highly commends its historic and unparalleled development,” the statement said. “The Norwegian government … attaches high importance to China’s core interests and major concerns, will not support actions that undermine them, and will do its best to avoid any future damage to the bilateral relations.”
   
   Across the Continent, Chinese pressure has sharply curtailed coordinated criticism of Beijing’s human rights record. While human rights remains one of the EU foreign policy’s official priorities on China, “most member states were reluctant to raise the issue directly with Beijing,” reported the ECFR in 2016. “Most often, human rights policy was outsourced to the EU or to third parties such as the U.N. Human Rights Council (UNHRC), or to civil society, NGOs, and media outlets throughout Europe, which unfortunately have a limited impact on Chinese policy,” it stated.
   
   EU actions have also been undermined by division among member countries. This month, Greece blocked an EU statement at the United Nations criticizing China’s human rights record. In March, Hungary derailed the EU’s consensus to sign a joint letter about lawyers being reportedly tortured under arrest in China. Just seven member countries signed the statement: Belgium, the Czech Republic, Estonia, France, Germany, Sweden and the U.K.

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