滕彪文集
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滕彪文集
·敗訴多於勝訴的名律師(上)
·敗訴多於勝訴的名律師(下)
·China's international relations at a time of rising rule of law challe
·Seven Chinese activists wrote to the Dutch King
·七名中国民主人士致信荷兰国王
·專訪維權律師滕彪對中國法治人權的解讀
·中共的政治株连
·Dictatorship is a Decapitator, Whether it Tortures You or Treats You W
·Innocence project movement in China rises to aid the wrongfully convic
·好處沙龍【選後台灣如何面對中國巨變】
·“你恐惧,中共的目的就达到了”
·SOME QUESTIONS FOR PRESIDENT OBAMA TO ASK PRESIDENT XI
·Book Debate Raises Questions of Self-Censorship by Foreign Groups in C
·Leaked Email: ABA Cancels Book for Fear of ‘Upsetting the Chinese Gov
·Is the ABA Afraid of the Chinese Government?
·Middle way should not be the only voice: Chinese activist to Tibetans
·Middle way not the only way for Tibet, says Chinese rights lawyer
·被曝光的电邮:怕惹恼北京美国律师协会取消出版《黎明前的黑暗》
·美律协违约拒为滕彪出书 国会要求解释
·高智晟:ABA和滕彪哪個更應該強大
·Lawmakers Pounce After ABA Scraps Book by China Rights Lawyer
·American Self-Censorship Association/WSJ
·An interview with China’s foremost rights lawyer Dr Teng Biao
·纽约时报:中国律师新书命运引发在华NGO自我审查争议
·Is China Returning to the Madness of Mao’s Cultural Revolution?
·The Conundrum of Compromise/Robert Precht
·Congress Still Calling Out ABA Over Canceled Book Deal
·No country for academics: Chinese crackdown forces intellectuals abroa
·中共血債大於其他專制國家
·江绪林之死反映中国知识分子精神痛苦唯有自杀寻求解脱
·"THERE WILL ALWAYS BE SOME BRAVE ACTIVISTS WHO REFUSE TO KEEP QUIET"
·“你们全家都是共产党员!”
·滕彪和江天勇获第25届杰出民主人士奖
·访滕彪:中国司法何以如此“高效率”
·'China wacht een revolutie, ik hoop een vreedzame'
·Arrestatiegolf China toont angst van regime
·ENTRETIEN AVEC LE DéFENSEUR DES DROITS DE L'HOMME TENG BIAO
·Le Parti communiste chinois est confronté à une série de crises
·英媒:遭受打击 中国知识分子被迫出国
·709 Crackdown/ Front Line Defenders
·Cataloging the Torture of Lawyers in China
·南海仲裁的法理基础及其对中国的政治冲击
·the Comfort of Self-Censorship
·G20前夕美国家安全顾问会晤中国人权人士
·Chinese dissidents urge Obama to press Xi Jinping on human rights at G
·China blocks major civil society groups from monitoring G20 summit
·Open Letter to G20 Leaders attending the 2016 G20 Summit
·自我审查的自我安慰/滕彪
·细雨中的独白——写给十七年
·Rights lawyers publicly shamed by China's national bar association
·沉默的暴行
·中共“长臂”施压 维权律师滕彪妻子被迫离职
·除了革命,中国已经别无道路
·高瑜案件从一开始就是政治操控
·毛式文革与恐怖主义之异同——国内外专家学者访谈
·最高法维护狼牙山五壮士名誉 学者批司法为文宣服务
·滕彪和杨建利投书彭博社 批评美国大选不谈中国人权议题
·“未来关键运动的发起者可能是我们都不认识的人。”
·政治因素杀死了贾敬龙
·中国维权人士在达兰萨拉与藏人探讨“中共的命运”
·黑暗的2016:中国人权更加倒退的一年
·滕彪談廢死
·滕彪:酷刑逼供背後是国家支持的系统性暴力
·在黑暗中尋找光明
·专访滕彪、杨建利:美国新法案 不给人权侵害者发签证
·海内外民主人士促美制裁中国人权迫害者/RFA
·A Joint Statement Upon the Establishment of ‘China Human Rights Accou
·关于成立“中国人权问责中心”的声明
·Group to Probe China's Human Rights Violations Under U.S. Law
·The Long Reach of China to Silence Its Critics
·王臧:极权主义,不止是“地域性灾难”
·Trump has the power to fight China on human rights. Will he use it?
·纪录片《吊照门》
·「吊照门」事件 引发法界震盪
·脸书玩命想进中国/RFA
·中国反酷刑联盟成立公告
·德电台奖冉云飞滕彪获提名
·中国维权律师:风雨中的坚持
·Harassed Chinese rights lawyer still speaking out on Tibetans’ plight
·Beijing Suspends Licenses of 2 Lawyers Who Offered to Defend Tibetans
·VOA连线:中国反酷刑联盟成立,向酷刑说“不”
·Announcement of the Establishment of the China Anti-Torture Alliance
·Chinese Court Upends 13-Year-Old Rape, Murder, Robbery Convictions
·中共迫害律师的前前后后
·Scholars Return to YLS to Discuss Human Rights Advocacy in China
·Abducted Activists
·中国的民间反对运动与维权运动
·Conversation on China’s human rights: Professor provides first hand a
·Exiled Chinese lawyer says the country is moving toward a new totalita
·VOA时事大家谈:抓律师两高人大邀功,保政权司法第一要务
·滕彪讲述被绑架和单独关押的经历
·Chinese human rights lawyer stresses the duty to resist
·山东“刺死辱母者”案,为何引发民意汹涌?/VOA
·关于审查《城市流浪乞讨人员收容遣送办法》的建议书
·Street Vendor’s Execution Stokes Anger in China
·[video]Academic freedom in the East and Southeast
·海外华人学者成立民主转型研究所VOA
·美国律师协会为受难律师高智晟出书/VOA
·郭文貴爆料,為何中國當局反應強烈?
·杨银波:搞滕彪、李和平,我看不过去
·Chinese Rights Lawyer Strikes Back at ABA Over Scuttled Book/WSJ
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Dictatorship is a Decapitator, Whether it Tortures You or Treats You W

   
   On the contrasting lives of Chinese dissidents in prison.
   
   by Tienchi Martin-Liao / October 23, 2013
   


   
   Liu Xiaobo, 2010’s Nobel Peace Prize winner, is the only imprisoned laureate in Nobel Prize history. If no amnesty for Liu is prematurely granted, he will serve his sentence until 2020. Despite his odyssey as a dissident over the last two decades, in his famous final statement to the court, Liu said “…to underscore something that was in my June 2nd Hunger-strike Declaration twenty years ago: I have no enemies, and no hatred…I have been held at two different locations and have dealt with four pretrial police interrogators, three prosecutors, and two judges, and all of them have been reasonable and moderate in manner. They have often shown goodwill.” Liu also said that he has observed progress in prison management.
   
   These words created much animosity among international intellectual circles. A handful of people have even attacked Liu for his capitulation to the communist regime, palliation of the cruel prison system, and betrayal of the democratic movement. One of them, the Stockholm-based writer and critic Chen Maiping, even submitted a letter of complaint to the Nobel committee, requesting they withdraw Liu’s prize.
   
   During the Cultural Revolution, people were sentenced to death or outright murdered because of one wrong sentence. In China today writers do not lose their lives over their poems or articles; however, they are jailed for years. My friend Liu Xiaobo for example will stay in prison till 2020; even winning the Nobel Peace Prize could not help him. In prison those lucky enough not to be sentenced to hard labor play “blind chess” to kill time AND TO TRAIN THE BRAIN NOT TO RUST. Freedom of expression is still a luxury in China. The firewall is everywhere, yet words can fly above it and so can our thoughts. My column, like the blind chess played by prisoners, is an exercise to keep our brains from rusting and the situation in China from indifference.
   
   This kind of behavior, when not conducted out of jealousy, is certainly a misinterpretation of Liu’s “no enemies, no hatred” philosophy. Not to mention, Liu Xiaobo is a famous personality; even normal political prisoners are generally more respected in Chinese prisons. While neither the authority nor the inmates acknowledge that these people did not commit crimes, it is understood that they speak their thoughts for the peoples profit, not their own. In Liu Xiaobo’s letter to Liao Yiwu on Jan. 13th, 2000, he said:
   
   “Compared with your years in prison, my three prison stints were pretty mild. During the first, at Qincheng, I had my own cell, and my living conditions were better than what you had to endure. Sometimes I was deathly bored, but that’s about it. In my second stint – eights months inside a large courtyard at the base of the Fragrant Hills outside Beijing – I got even better treatment. There, except for my freedom, I had just about everything. During the third – three years at the reeducation-through-labor camp at Dalian – I was again singled out for special handling. My three elite-prisoner experiences can’t compare in any way to your suffering; I probably shouldn’t even say mine were imprisonments, compared to yours.”
   
   Treatment of dissidents differs from place to place. I recently met lawyer Teng Biao and writer Ran Yunfei, who were both arrested in 2011 during the Arab Spring. Teng was detained for 71 days, Ran for 170 days. After their release, both kept silent, not wanting to reveal the particulars of their experiences in prison. People believe that they made promises to the authority not to expose the internal situation of the detention center, but there was no deal with the police; silence is more or less a personal decision.
   
   At 40 years old, Teng Biao has been a human rights activist since he received his Ph. D. a decade ago. With some colleagues he composed an open letter to the Standing Committee of the People’s Congress, requiring the authority to abolish the irrational “Detention and Repatriation System,” which affects the basic rights of China’s migrant population. Suggestions for the “Improvement of Protecting Human Rights in the Constitution” was another important document, which he drafted with several legal scholars. Teng also became active in the movement to rescue the lawyer Zhu Jiuhu, who had tried to help the private oil industry in Shaanxi. However, Teng’s most well-known case was a common investigation, with the blind lawyer Chen Guangcheng, into the barbaric implementation of the one child policy in Linyi. In addition, in 2010 Teng Biao founded Xingshan Research Center in Beijing to research the death penalty and other legal issues. On February 19, 2011, Teng was kidnapped by the security police. During his disappearance, no one knew his whereabouts and his family cut off contact with the outside world. Even after his release, he did not break his silence. Many months later he reappeared at the public, jointed national conference. Since October 2012, he has been a visiting scholar at Chinese University in Hong Kong.
   
   Teng is a quiet man, eloquent and logical. He talks about the insults and torture he endured only in private circles, his emotions tightly controlled. “When you enter the prison gate, the first thing you get is slaps on the face, hundreds of times, till you have a swollen water head,” he has said. During the two-and-a-half month detention, there were three phases. In the first two weeks, he was deprived of sleep and forbidden to bathe or take a shower. Two to three men were beside him day and night in a small room. He tried to exercise, sing loudly, and recite poems but they forbade all of it. Then followed a terrible three week period, where he had to sit straight on the ground and face the wall from early morning till midnight. If he collapsed, so fell the fists and kicks on him. The last 36 days, he had to carry the shackles and irons the whole day through. “It challenges your physical limits, it is astonishing how much one can endure,” Teng concluded with a bitter smile.
   
   The writer Ran Yunfei attracts lots of online followers through his blogs and Twitter. Although his blogs are shut down frequently, the prolific writer is like an acrobatic tumbler: If one blog is pushed down, a new one is already up and on the way. Ran is good at historical reflections. He is a knowledgeable man with social, political, and cultural commentaries that are sarcastic and incisive. As a Charter 08 co-signer, he was under residential surveillance. Like Teng Biao, he was also disappeared during the Jasmine Revolution in February 2011. The worry was that he was accused of “inciting subversion of state power.” Many believed that he would be sentenced heavily. Fortunately, Ran was released after half a year. People never really knew what happened to him during that dark period. Today, Ran is allowed to participate in international conferences and travels to Japan and the West.
   
   “Did they torture you?” I asked him.
   
   He shook his head, “Nothing of the like. Instead, I could read in my cell; I read several hundred books.” In the beginning, he was afraid that he would be lost forever. With the kind of accusation Ran received, ten years imprisonment is the minimum sentence. Yet, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton handed three names to the Chinese government, including Ran’s, and with this move he regained his freedom. “I cannot and will not tell people that they treated me fairly in prison; it makes me sound like I’ve kotowed to the regime.” Ran is right. It’s a crime to lock an innocent person behind bars, and not torturing him is not a virtue. Dictatorship is a decapitator, no matter if it tortures you or treats you well.
(2015/11/29 发表)
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