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郭国汀律师专栏
·关于暴力革命答深山质疑
·勇敢地参政议政吧!中国律师们!/郭国汀
·语言风格——关于袁红冰改良还是革命的争论
·就袁红冰之《改良还是革命》与申先生的论战/郭国汀
·英雄人格哲学—袁红冰《自由在落日中》读后
·划时代的政论——简评袁红冰《改良,还是革命?》
·为什么袁红冰之《改良,还是革命?》是划时代的政论?
·再论政治案低调消音妥协辩护论的严重危害性
·再论政治案件低调消音妥协辩护论的危害性引起争论
·政治案辩护律师的最佳策略
·驳政治肮脏论
·文字狱与极权专制体制
·暴政与人种的优劣/新南郭
·虚伪是极权专制的必然付产品
·极权专制政体与思想家
·最暴虐无道的政府!/南郭
·郭国汀:歌功颂德或批评批判?
·判断一个政权合法性的公认标准
·判断政府合法性的普世公认标准 郭国汀
·中国律师理所应当关心政治 郭国汀
·政治体制的根本问题
·中国的前途在于专制改良还是政治民主革命?
·西方现代政治民主的基本要件
·郭国汀: 政府无权杀人!
·政府绝对无权武力镇压(屠杀)和平集会示威游行或罢工的公民
·国民有权推翻暴力镇压(屠杀)和平抗议民众的任何政府
·中国历史上不存在极权
·民主政治的终极目标是自由——答尼采黄昏君的质疑/南郭
·极权专制独裁者与知识分子
·与网友谈论民主政治与政权合法性
·政府不得滥杀和平请愿公民的最新国际公约
·中共极权专制暴政祸国殃民绝对乏善可陈
·郭律师评价中国律师诉讼及司法体制现状
***(40)宪政研究
·什么是宪政?
·什么是共和?
·宪政的实质
·分權制衡理論的历史淵源
·中国自由文化运动与宪政研究
·The Arguments For and Against the Notwithstanding Clause
·Freedom is not free but it is costly
·宪法改革的设想 南郭提要
·联邦共和民主宪政体制是美国经久强盛不衰的原因
·党化党控教育是中共祸国殃民的一大罪恶
·立宪时代的法政哲学思考提要
·有限政府与法治宪政
·联邦主义要旨
·It’s Not Patriotic to Violate the Constitution
·An Imperial Presidency Based on Constitutional Quicksand
·US Constitution revolution for real democracy
·One of the major writer whose legal thought Influence the Americas Founding Fathers
·Beyond the Constitution
·Philosophy Constitutionalism
·USA Constitution is in grave danger
·Constitutional Interpretation
·The Bill of Rights
***(41)民主研究
·美国宪政民主的基本要素
· 政治民主机制的最新发展--监督民主
· 序《民主导论》
·民主的真实含义
·自由宪政民主政治的七项实质要件
·民主的实质
·谁是真正的人类政治民主之父?
·民主就是[山头林立]?!
·共和比民主更为根本
·共和民主宪政要旨
·什么是联邦主义民主宪政?
·我的民主朝圣之旅
·民主的灯塔永放光茫
·古希腊雅典民主政体
·伯拉图亚里士多德论古希腊民主体制
·伯拉图论共产主义
***(39)法治研究
·法治论/郭国汀
·自然法原理
·法律的定义
·法律的本质与精神
·什么是法治?
·法治的基本原则
·法治的目的
·法治与民主的前提与条件
·法治的起源与历史
·开明专制与法治--极权流氓暴政下决无法治生存的余地
·法治的基石和实质
·法治的精神
·法治余论
·一篇值得推介的法治论文杰作/郭国汀
·Judicial Independence and Canadian Judges
***(37)自由研究
***表达自由新闻与出版自由
·当代自由主义的基本特征
·只有新闻自由能治官员腐败之顽症
·郭国汀 唯有思想言论舆论新闻出版结社教育讲学演讲的真正自由才能救中国!
·中国争人权、言论表达自由权的先驱者与英雄名录
·中国政治言论自由的真实现状-我的亲身经历(英文)
·郭国汀论政治言论自由:限制与煽动罪(英文)
·郭国汀论出版自由——声援支持《民间》及主编翟明磊
·郭国汀 美國言論自由发展簡史 [1]
·美国的学述自由:Academic Freedom in the USA
·祝愿祖国早日实现真正的自由!新年祝福
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China overtake the USA becoming an economic superpower??? by Thomas G

   中国将超过美国成为头号超级大国?郭国汀

   

   众多西方专家学者及中国通们为何一边倒地对共产党一党专制下的中国经济发展作如此乐观的赞赏?难道中国经济真如其所称赞的那样辉煌!?清华大学国际关系学院院长阎学通于2014年4月10日答记者采访时说:2023年东亚的经济规模将超过西欧、东欧和俄罗斯的总和。中国将成为与美国平起平坐的超级大国,两国间的竞争将日趋激化。估且不论中共政权一以贯之的欺诈成性,也不论专制暴政下人民的愚昧无知,更不用说当下中国贫富差距早已超过巴西,名列全球第一高达06.1,充分的历史事实早已证实:只要中共党国体制的专制独裁暴政一日不灭亡,中国人民的深重苦难绝对不止。只要中共专制暴政存续一天,绝无任何可能中国能超越美国。若中国真正成为宪政自由民主政府,则最终超越美国则是必然的逻辑结果。因为事实上,在世界历史发展进程中,除了在19世纪中叶被美国超越迄今,中国数千年来经济总量始终处于第一。 中国传統文化文明,并不亚于世界上任何其他文化文明,只要在发扬光大中华文化文明基础上,善于学习采纳西方先进文化文明,中国必定重新成为世界第一流的国家。何况中国经济堀起与中共暴政无干,任何一个合法政府只会结中共专制暴政好得多。抛弃中共专制暴政实质等于推翻压在国人头上的N座大山,国人的聪明才智和发明创造力必将得以自然和充分释放。

   

   International political economic specialists increase asked whether China’s experience in economic growth constitutes a model which could be transplanted to other developing stats(Lanteigne 2009:11). Today many state populations have positive views of China, some polls there are states that have a higher regard for China than they do for the US(11).

   

   A World Bank July 2008 report concluded that “China’sinvestments ease Africa’s poverty”. AustralianPrime Minister Kevin Rudd told the Brookings Institution on March 31, 2008 that“China’s experience would be invaluable to other developing nations.”

   

   Deng Xiaoping in 1985 told an African head of state that there was no Chinese model to emulate. Deng averred that all nations must adopt growth policies suitable to their own particular circumstances (Friedman 4). Since economic reforms were initiated in China in 1979, more than two-thirds of all the poverty wiped-out on the planet earth has been in China. This monumental achievement suggests that there is much to learn from the Chinese experience.

   

   As a Congolese minister put it, “the Chinese are fantastic”(Friedman 5)asuperpower within Asia as potentially a nation with the ability to change thefuture direction of global events. By 2020, China hopes to rival the US(Sengupta 2003:389).

   

   China has arrived andwill increasingly shape our future, not just its own (Jacques 2005:6), Chinahas suddenly become the all absorbing topic for those professionally concernedwith the future of the planet (Skidelsky 2005) , in many spheres, China has become a leading issue for politicians, economists, environmentalists, generals, admirals andmedia figures(Scott 2008: 1).

   

   China has arrived. Aftertwo centuries at the periphery of world affairs, China has returned to thecenter (Mandelson 2007) many of the greatest questions thrown up in the courseof the century will be answered in Chinese characters ( Anderson 2008), Chinais the future, or at least will profoundly shape the future global order. Thefuture: China changes the whole world. China with the ability tochange the future direction of global events(Sengupta2003:4).

   

   Chinese economy will overtake the US economy in the year 2013.China is well on its way to becoming an economic superpower(Sengupta 2003:395).If it continues with its economic reform,China’s economy should exceed that ofthe United States within the next 15 years(Sengupta 2003:402)

   

   

   China in the twenty-first century will provide an alternative tothe United States and will play the role of a non-hegemonic superpower(Forges& Luo2001:485). China had become an economic superpower. Actually, China’srapid rise to become a major power already is a world-transforming phenomenon(Friedman 2008:18).

   

   The existing literature on China’s rise to economic super-powerdom, forecasts theshort- and long-term prospects of the Chinese economy to achieve a sustainedrapid growth of the GDP, eventually replacing the USA as the leading superpower(see Babones 2011;Eichengreen, Park and Shin 2011;and Subramanian 2011

   

   China in thetwenty-first century will provide an alternative to the United States and willplay the role of a non-hegemonic superpower. With China becoming wealthier andsoon taking over the title of the world’s largest economy, other countries willhave no choice but to turn toward Beijing(Cameron2013:13). maintainedChina’s global trade clout – as of 2013, China is the largest trading partnerfor over 120 countries.

   

   Tensions areintensifying between China and Japan in the East China Sea over Diaoyu Island.Confrontations with the Philippines in the South China Sea have been two yearsin the running with no end in sight. America's "pivot" to AsiaPacific has confirmed to many Chinese their suspicion of containment by thesuperpower and emboldened China's adversaries in the region to escalatetensions. The most recent incident was China's declaration of an Air DefenseIdentification Zone, which some have called provocative.

   

   Deng's famous dictum of “keeping a low profile” for economicdevelopment. The other was to give the first priority to the relations with the UnitedStates. China's new foreign policy outlook indicates an approach knownas “strivingfor achievement”to engage its neighboring countries and to over time align their interests withChina's rise. Xi specifically stressed friendship and loyalty between China andits neighbors.

   University of Chicago politicaltheorist John Mearsheimer, in his "China cannot peaceful rise " concluded taht China continues its rise asa great power, military conflicts are probable if not inevitable. for In a disorderly world without a supreme ruler, the theorygoes, no nation can be sure of the intentions of other nations and the only wayof survival is to maximize a nation's own relative strength.

   

   Under Xi, China willbegin to treat friends and enemies differently. For those who are willing toplay a constructive role in China's rise, China will seek ways for them to gaingreater actual benefits from China's development. China will decisively favorthose who side with it with economic benefits and even security protections. Onthe contrary, those who are hostile to China will face much more sustainedpolicies of sanctions and isolation.

   

   The Xi’s doctrine of diplomatic policynow contains six points. The firstis to establish a sense of identity with the world in a “community of common destiny”. no matter what system it adopts, it is always partof that community rather than being detached from the rest of the world. The second is to express a world dreamwith a “Chinese dream”. all will enjoy peace, development and prosperity. The third is to ensure peace and development with bottom-line thinking. The fourth is to improve China’s imageas valuing profits more than justice with a right approach to morality andinterests.The fifth is to managerelations with the US towards a new model of bigcountry relationship, no confrontation or conflict, mutual respect, and cooperationand win-win. The sixth point is todispel misgivings of neighboring countries with the principles of amity,sincerity, mutual benefit and inclusiveness.

   

   The Chinese system will fail because there is an inherent conflict between public welfare and the government’s desire to retain power. Acemoglu and Robinson argue that China’s phenomenal growth cannot be sustained because the political institutions are authoritarian and extractive. Furthermore, the present economic growth cannot lead to inclusive economic institutions and creative destruction unless fundamental political reforms are carried out in the near future(Schweinberger 2014:170).

   

   One of the key characteristic ofChinese economic development: namely, the high degree of politization ofeconomic decision-making. state-owned (partially or wholly) companies in Chinaat present make up around eighty percent of the value of the stock market.

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