滕彪文集
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滕彪文集
·Summary Biography of Xu Zhiyong
·三著名行政法学家关于“公盟取缔事件”法律意见书
·公益诉讼“抑郁症”/《中国新闻周刊》
·在中石化上访
·《零八宪章》与政治正当性问题
·我来推推推(之二)
·我来推推推(之三)
·國慶有感
·我来推推推(之四)
·国庆的故事(系列之一)
·国庆的故事(系列之二)
·
·我来推推推(之五)
·我来推推推(之六)
·净空(小说)
·作为反抗的记忆——《不虚此行——北京劳教调遣处纪实》序
·twitter直播-承德冤案申诉行动
·我来推推推(之七)
·关于我的证言的证言
·我来推推推(之八)
·不只是问问而已
·甘锦华再判死刑 紧急公开信呼吁慎重
·就甘锦华案致最高人民法院死刑复核法官的紧急公开信
·我来推推推(之九)
·DON’T BE EVIL
·我来推推推(之十)
·景德镇监狱三名死刑犯绝食吁国际关注
·江西乐平死刑冤案-向最高人民检察院的申诉材料
·我来推推推(之十一)
·法律人的尊严在于独立
·我来推推推(之十二)
·听从正义和良知的呼唤——在北京市司法局关于吊销唐吉田、刘巍律师证的听证会上的代理意见
·一个思想实验:关于中国政治
·公民维权与社会转型(上)——在北京传知行社会经济研究所的演讲
·公民维权与社会转型——在北京传知行社会经济研究所的演讲(下)
·福州“7•4”奇遇记
·夏俊峰案二审辩护词(新版)
·摄录机打破官方垄断
·敦请最高人民检察院立即对重庆打黑运动中的刑讯逼供问题依法调查的公开信
·为政治文明及格线而奋斗——滕彪律师的维权之路
·“打死挖个坑埋了!”
·"A Hole to Bury You"
·谁来承担抵制恶法的责任——曹顺利被劳动教养案代理词
·国家尊重和保障人权从严禁酷刑开始
·分裂的真相——关于钱云会案的对话
·无国界记者:对刘晓波诽谤者的回应
·有些人在法律面前更平等(英文)
·法律人与法治国家——在《改革内参》座谈会上的演讲
·貪官、死刑與民意
·茉莉:友爱的滕彪和他的诗情
·萧瀚:致滕彪兄
·万延海:想起滕彪律师
·滕彪:被迫走上它途的文學小子/威廉姆斯
·中国两位律师获民主奖/美国之音
·独立知识分子——写给我的兄弟/许志永
·滕彪的叫真/林青
·2011年十大法治事件(公盟版)
·Chinese Human Rights Lawyers Under Assault
·《乱诗》/殷龙龙
·吴英的生命和你我有关
·和讯微访谈•滕彪谈吴英案
·吴英、司法与死刑
·努力走向公民社会(视频访谈)
·【蔡卓华案】胡锦云被诉窝藏赃物罪的二审辩护词
·23岁青年被非法拘禁致死 亲属六年申请赔偿无果
·5月2日与陈光诚的谈话记录
·华邮评论:支持中国说真话者的理由
·中国律师的阴与阳/金融时报
·陈光诚应该留还是走?/刘卫晟
·含泪劝猫莫吃鼠
·AB的故事
·陈克贵家属关于拒绝接受两名指定律师的声明
·这个时代最优异的死刑辩词/茉莉
·自救的力量
·不只是问问而已
·The use of Citizens Documentary in Chinese Civil Rights Movements
·行政强制法起草至今23年未通过
·Rights Defence Movement Online and Offline
·遭遇中国司法
·一个单纯的反对者/阳光时务周刊
·“颠覆国家政权罪”的政治意涵/滕彪
·财产公开,与虎谋皮
·Changing China through Mandarin
·通过法律的抢劫——答《公民论坛》问
·Teng Biao: Defense in the Second Trial of Xia Junfeng Case
·血拆危局/滕彪
·“中国专制体制依赖死刑的象征性”
·To Remember Is to Resist/Teng Biao
·Striking a blow for freedom
·滕彪:维权、微博与围观:维权运动的线上与线下(上)
·滕彪:维权、微博与围观:维权运动的线上与线下(下)
·达赖喇嘛与中国国内人士视频会面问答全文
·台灣法庭初體驗-專訪滕彪
·滕彪:中国政治需要死刑作伴
·一个反动分子的自白
·强烈要求释放丁红芬等公民、立即取缔黑监狱的呼吁书
·The Confessions of a Reactionary
·浦志强 滕彪: 王天成诉周叶中案代理词
·选择维权是一种必然/德国之声
·A courageous Chinese lawyer urges his country to follow its own laws
·警方建议起诉许志永,意见书似“公民范本”
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The Quest to Save the World's Scholars From Persecution and Death


   
   The Quest to Save the World's Scholars From Persecution and Death
   
   

   
   
   
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   By Justin Rohrlich
   
   June 1, 2015 | 2:00 pm
   
   
   When Adolf Hitler became chancellor of Germany in 1933, Albert Einstein was in Pasadena, California, serving as a visiting professor at the California Institute of Technology. And so he was not in Germany when Nazi officials ransacked his home, confiscated his property, and seized his bank accounts. Nor was he there when they stripped him of his affiliations with the German science academies, burned his books, and accused him of treason.
   
   Einstein did not return home as planned.
   
   Instead, he became a professor at Princeton University and began advocating for other refugee academics, fervently supporting the Academic Assistance Council, which had been set up by British economist William Beveridge as a lifeline for scholars fleeing the Third Reich. By the end of World War II, the AAC had rescued more than 2,600 people, including 16 future Nobel Prize winners.
   
   
   Silencing, imprisoning, or killing physicists and literature professors doesn't seem like a way to win wars, but from Islamists storming a Kenyan university, to Sudanese doctors and student leaders disappearing at the hands of intelligence agents, to Syrian teachers finding themselves caught between the regime and militants, the danger academics face today is said to be worse than it has been since Einstein's time.
   
   "The university represents the state, and they are soft, easy targets," says Diya Nijhowne, director of the US-based Global Coalition to Protect Education From Attack. "It's much easier to blow up a university than a military installation."
   
   * * *
   
   Teaching undergraduates or conducting esoteric research are not ways to garner a great deal of sympathy.
   
   "People don't see professors and academics as particularly needy," says Sarah Willcox, director of the Scholar Rescue Fund (SRF). "They are the 'elite' of society, so they don't generally draw as sympathetic an ear."
   
   SRF has underwritten fellowships for 602 at-risk scholars from 53 countries over the past 13 years. SRF is a division of the Institute of International Education (IIE), which administers the Fulbright Program for the State Department, and maintains offices across the street from United Nations headquarters. The 10-person staff reviews and verifies an applicant's credentials as well as any reported threats. A dossier is then prepared for a selection committee, which makes decisions based upon something called the Rupp Doctrine.
   
   It's named for IIE board member George Rupp, a former president of the International Rescue Committee — a humanitarian aid group founded in 1933 thanks to Einstein. As long as applicants are not accused of serious crimes or human rights violations, their politics are ignored, and only two questions are asked to determine if they qualify: "Is this applicant a scholar?" and "Are they at risk?"
   
   Currently, the most acute demand is in Syria, where universities have reportedly lost about one third of their professors and at least 100,000 students. President Bashar al-Assad's regime has long maintained a vast network of agents and informants at universities, so any contact between SRF and Syrian scholars must have a cloak-and-dagger element.
   
   "We always have to be very cautious how we communicate," Willcox says. "We typically work very quietly through intermediaries and trusted contacts. We don't use the phone, and email language is very careful, particularly with someone we don't know yet."
   
   When the Arab Spring swept into Damascus in early 2011, agricultural economist Ahmad Sadiddin was a vocal pro-democracy proponent. He had been deferring his mandatory 12-month stint in the Syrian Arab Army while pursuing advanced degrees, but when the student deferment was abruptly ended, Sadiddin was conscripted. Unwilling to fight for Assad, Sadiddin emailed a friend in the United States who then contacted SRF. They arranged a position for him in Italy, and in August 2012, Sadiddin went AWOL.
   
   He hid out on his parents' farm in Al-Rastan while looking for a smuggler who could deliver him to the Turkish border. Sadiddin had no valid ID or passport; he could only renew them upon completion of his military service. The Turkish government, however, had recently set up a special intake apparatus for Syrian refugees who lacked documents, and after two days of being moved from safe house to safe house and from cars to motorcycles to trucks — under normal circumstances the journey would have been a simple two-hour drive — Sadiddin escaped into Turkey.
   
   A month later, he headed for the University of Florence, where he now focuses on irrigation and water management instead of on his need to stay out of sight. His wife, who was a food scientist in Syria, joined him in Italy a few months after he arrived.
   
   * * *
   
   The idea of saving the next Einstein is a romantic one. Yet, says Robert Quinn, executive director of the Scholars At Risk Network, it largely misses the point.
   
   "It's what motivates some people, and I get it," Quinn says from his office at New York University, where SAR has been based since 2003. "But I'm motivated not so much by protecting the content of individual ideas as I am by protecting the freedom to think and to have ideas and ask questions."
   
   Quinn, a lawyer by trade, started SAR in 1999 as part of the University of Chicago's Human Rights Program, and describes it as "a sort of underground railroad, where we have a network of nodes of individuals and institutions that will help people move along." SAR's mission is similar to that of SRF; Quinn is actually the former founding executive director of SRF. SAR, SRF, and the Council for At-Risk Academics (CARA) — it's the current name of the Academic Assistance Council, the group Einstein supported after settling in America — all work together closely.
   
   'The idea is to keep scholars safe so that when the dust does settle, there are people who can go back and rebuild.'
   
   Unlike SRF, which has a $50 million endowment, SAR is funded entirely by donors' gifts, grants, and "other irregular sources of third-party support." Its 11-person staff includes an attorney/advocacy officer, three protection services officers dealing with security issues, and program officers with experience at places like the Aspen Institute and the International Criminal Court. They take on between 50 and 75 cases annually in countries all over the world, but say they have seen more than a 15 percent increase in requests for assistance over the past year.
   
   As Quinn points out, the persecution of scholars doesn't occur only in war zones. A lecturer at the China University of Political Science and Law in Beijing, Teng Biao also represented AIDS activists, Falun Gong practitioners, dissidents, and others who the rest of the Chinese bar wouldn't touch. For his efforts, the Chinese government confiscated his passport, disbarred him, shut down his NGO, and took away his teaching license. In 2011, after attending a luncheon during which he discussed ways he might help embattled blind activist Chen Guangcheng, Teng says he was imprisoned and tortured for 70 days.
   
   The following year, he was able to make his way to relative safety in Hong Kong. SAR and Human Rights Watch then arranged a fellowship for him at Harvard Law School. Teng arrived in Boston last September and is now focusing on the issues he wasn't allowed to focus on in China.
   
   * * *
   
   Einstein never made it back to Germany, but Quinn says getting people back home is SAR's end game.
   
   "The idea is to keep scholars safe so that when the dust does settle, there are people who can go back and rebuild," he says.
   
   Guilain Mathé tried to go back. He first fled persecution in 2008, leaving the Democratic Republic of the Congo for a position in Senegal, with assistance from SRF. (Local political bosses and religious leaders were unhappy with his master's thesis, in which he exposed links between the church and armed militias.) When Mathé returned to the DRC for two months in mid-2014 to conduct research for his doctoral dissertation, he says he was arrested, detained, extorted, threatened, and accused of being a spy, and that his research assistant was jailed and beaten. Mathé says he managed to make it across the border into Uganda a half-step ahead of Congolese military intelligence.

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