滕彪文集
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滕彪文集
·中国时报专访:盼与政府互动 和平维权
·滕彪博士:精神家园的守望者/刘爽
·司法改良和公民维权——学而思沙龙的网谈
·学术、政治与生活——2006年12月17日做客沧海论坛在线交流记录
·黎明前的见证
·看看我们的朋友——致受难中的高智晟和他的妻子和孩子
·临沂警匪暴行录
·临沂野蛮计生事件及陈光诚案维权大事记(五——七)
·中国当代宪政主义者的困境和选择/林泽波
·通过汉语改变中国
·茶人滕彪/萧瀚
·崔英杰案:“慎杀时代”的第一个考验
·死刑、司法与中国人权
·废除死刑的中国语境——在第三届世界反死刑大会上的发言
·司法独立,和谐中国——2007年“两会”之际的公民呼吁/许志永 滕彪
·彻底改革司法才能避免滥用死刑
·崔英杰案,在多重反思中寻找契机
·从“两会”看赎回选票运动
·关于尽快将青岛市四方区政府违法拆迁行为纳入法制轨道的法律意见书
·青岛野蛮拆迁:袁薪玉被控放火和妨害公务案一审的当庭辩护意见
·维权书简·戴脚镣的舞者
·被遗忘的谎言——就《成都晚报》事件致中宣部长和教育部长的一封信
·滕彪:可怕的“冤案递增律”
·不是我不明白
·张敏:滕彪律师访美谈中国司法现状与维权
·萧洵:纸包子案记者被判刑引发强烈质疑
·自由亚洲电台:拾荒者遇上联防离奇死亡 孙志刚式悲剧首都重现?
·何亚福 王鑫海 杨支柱等:放开二胎倡议书
·临沂野蛮计生事件及陈光诚案维权大事记(八--九)
·一个案件的真相与两个案件的正义(附:“聂树斌案”到了最危急时刻!)
·滕彪、胡佳:奥运前的中国真相
·郑筱萸案扇了死刑复核程序一记耳光/滕彪 李方平
·“杀害自己孩子的民族没有未来!”
·关于李和平律师被绑架殴打致国务院、最高人民检察院、公安部、国家安全部的公开信(签名中)
·NO FIGHTS,NO RIGHTS——接受博闻社采访谈中国人权现状
·挽包遵信先生
·香港电台铿锵集:扣着脚镣跳舞的中国律师
·那些陌生的人们在我们心底哭泣——推荐一个短片
·关于邮箱被盗用的声明
·《律师法》37条:为律师准备的新陷阱
·保护维权律师,实现法治——采访法学博士滕彪律师/张程
·Six Attorneys Openly Defend Falun Gong in Chinese Court
·李和平 滕彪等:为法轮功学员辩护-宪法至上 信仰自由
·面对暴力的思考与记忆——致李和平
·专访滕彪律师:《律师法》2007修订与维权/RFA张敏
·The Real China before the Olympics/Teng Biao,Hu jia
·我们不能坐等美好的社会到来
·律师:维权人士胡佳将受到起诉
·胡佳被捕 顯示中國要在奧運之前大清場
·人权的价值与正义的利益
·抓捕胡佳意味着什么?
·关于《奥运前的中国真相》一文的说明——声援胡佳之一
·邮箱作废声明
·关于审查和改变《互联网视听节目服务管理规定》部分不适当条款的建议
·胡佳的大爱与大勇
·后极权时代的公民美德与公民责任
·狱中致爱人
·奥运和乞丐不能并存?
·滕彪李苏滨关于青岛于建利涉嫌诽谤罪案的辩护意见
·纽约时报社评:中国的爱国小将们
·回网友四书
·我们都来关注滕彪博士/王天成
·暴力带不来和平,恐怖建不成和谐——就滕彪、李和平事件感言/王德邦
·让滕彪回家、追究国保撞车肇事的法律责任、还被监控公民自由/维权网
·刘晓波:黑暗权力的颠狂——有感于滕彪被绑架
·Article 37 of the PRC Law on Lawyers: A New Trap Set for Lawyers
·Chinese lawyer missing after criticising human rights record
·Chinese Lawyer Says He Was Detained and Warned on Activism
·For Chinese activists, stakes are raised ahead of the Olympics
·To my wife, from jail/Teng Biao
·Beijing Suspends Licenses of 2 Lawyers Who Offered to Defend Tibetans in Court
·National Endowment for Democracy 2008 Democracy Awards
·获奖感言
·司法与民意——镜城突围
·Rewards and risks of a career in the legal system
·太离谱的现实感
·35个网评员对“这鸡蛋真难吃”的不同回答(转载加编辑加原创)
·Dissonance Strikes A Chord
·顺应历史潮流 实现律协直选——致全体北京律师、市司法局、市律协的呼吁
·但愿程序正义从杨佳案开始/滕彪 许志永
·维权的计算及其他
·我们对北京律协“严正声明”的回应
·网络言论自由讨论会会议纪要(上)
·网络言论自由讨论会会议纪要(下)
·Well-Known Human Rights Advocate Teng Biao Is Not Afraid
·法眼冷对三鹿门
·北京律师为自己维权风暴/亚洲周刊
·胡佳若获诺贝尔奖将推动中国人权/voa
·奥运后的中国人权
·Chinese Activist Wins Rights Prize
·我无法放弃——记一次“绑架”
·认真对待出国权
·毒奶粉:谁的危机?
·不要制造聂树斌——甘锦华抢劫案的当庭辩护词
·“独立知识分子”滕彪/刘溜
·经济观察报专访/滕彪:让我们不再恐惧
·人权:从理念到制度——纪念《世界人权宣言》60周年
·公民月刊:每一个人都可能是历史的转折点
·抵制央视、拒绝洗脑
·公民在行动
·Charter of Democracy
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The Quest to Save the World's Scholars From Persecution and Death


   
   The Quest to Save the World's Scholars From Persecution and Death
   
   

   
   
   
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   By Justin Rohrlich
   
   June 1, 2015 | 2:00 pm
   
   
   When Adolf Hitler became chancellor of Germany in 1933, Albert Einstein was in Pasadena, California, serving as a visiting professor at the California Institute of Technology. And so he was not in Germany when Nazi officials ransacked his home, confiscated his property, and seized his bank accounts. Nor was he there when they stripped him of his affiliations with the German science academies, burned his books, and accused him of treason.
   
   Einstein did not return home as planned.
   
   Instead, he became a professor at Princeton University and began advocating for other refugee academics, fervently supporting the Academic Assistance Council, which had been set up by British economist William Beveridge as a lifeline for scholars fleeing the Third Reich. By the end of World War II, the AAC had rescued more than 2,600 people, including 16 future Nobel Prize winners.
   
   
   Silencing, imprisoning, or killing physicists and literature professors doesn't seem like a way to win wars, but from Islamists storming a Kenyan university, to Sudanese doctors and student leaders disappearing at the hands of intelligence agents, to Syrian teachers finding themselves caught between the regime and militants, the danger academics face today is said to be worse than it has been since Einstein's time.
   
   "The university represents the state, and they are soft, easy targets," says Diya Nijhowne, director of the US-based Global Coalition to Protect Education From Attack. "It's much easier to blow up a university than a military installation."
   
   * * *
   
   Teaching undergraduates or conducting esoteric research are not ways to garner a great deal of sympathy.
   
   "People don't see professors and academics as particularly needy," says Sarah Willcox, director of the Scholar Rescue Fund (SRF). "They are the 'elite' of society, so they don't generally draw as sympathetic an ear."
   
   SRF has underwritten fellowships for 602 at-risk scholars from 53 countries over the past 13 years. SRF is a division of the Institute of International Education (IIE), which administers the Fulbright Program for the State Department, and maintains offices across the street from United Nations headquarters. The 10-person staff reviews and verifies an applicant's credentials as well as any reported threats. A dossier is then prepared for a selection committee, which makes decisions based upon something called the Rupp Doctrine.
   
   It's named for IIE board member George Rupp, a former president of the International Rescue Committee — a humanitarian aid group founded in 1933 thanks to Einstein. As long as applicants are not accused of serious crimes or human rights violations, their politics are ignored, and only two questions are asked to determine if they qualify: "Is this applicant a scholar?" and "Are they at risk?"
   
   Currently, the most acute demand is in Syria, where universities have reportedly lost about one third of their professors and at least 100,000 students. President Bashar al-Assad's regime has long maintained a vast network of agents and informants at universities, so any contact between SRF and Syrian scholars must have a cloak-and-dagger element.
   
   "We always have to be very cautious how we communicate," Willcox says. "We typically work very quietly through intermediaries and trusted contacts. We don't use the phone, and email language is very careful, particularly with someone we don't know yet."
   
   When the Arab Spring swept into Damascus in early 2011, agricultural economist Ahmad Sadiddin was a vocal pro-democracy proponent. He had been deferring his mandatory 12-month stint in the Syrian Arab Army while pursuing advanced degrees, but when the student deferment was abruptly ended, Sadiddin was conscripted. Unwilling to fight for Assad, Sadiddin emailed a friend in the United States who then contacted SRF. They arranged a position for him in Italy, and in August 2012, Sadiddin went AWOL.
   
   He hid out on his parents' farm in Al-Rastan while looking for a smuggler who could deliver him to the Turkish border. Sadiddin had no valid ID or passport; he could only renew them upon completion of his military service. The Turkish government, however, had recently set up a special intake apparatus for Syrian refugees who lacked documents, and after two days of being moved from safe house to safe house and from cars to motorcycles to trucks — under normal circumstances the journey would have been a simple two-hour drive — Sadiddin escaped into Turkey.
   
   A month later, he headed for the University of Florence, where he now focuses on irrigation and water management instead of on his need to stay out of sight. His wife, who was a food scientist in Syria, joined him in Italy a few months after he arrived.
   
   * * *
   
   The idea of saving the next Einstein is a romantic one. Yet, says Robert Quinn, executive director of the Scholars At Risk Network, it largely misses the point.
   
   "It's what motivates some people, and I get it," Quinn says from his office at New York University, where SAR has been based since 2003. "But I'm motivated not so much by protecting the content of individual ideas as I am by protecting the freedom to think and to have ideas and ask questions."
   
   Quinn, a lawyer by trade, started SAR in 1999 as part of the University of Chicago's Human Rights Program, and describes it as "a sort of underground railroad, where we have a network of nodes of individuals and institutions that will help people move along." SAR's mission is similar to that of SRF; Quinn is actually the former founding executive director of SRF. SAR, SRF, and the Council for At-Risk Academics (CARA) — it's the current name of the Academic Assistance Council, the group Einstein supported after settling in America — all work together closely.
   
   'The idea is to keep scholars safe so that when the dust does settle, there are people who can go back and rebuild.'
   
   Unlike SRF, which has a $50 million endowment, SAR is funded entirely by donors' gifts, grants, and "other irregular sources of third-party support." Its 11-person staff includes an attorney/advocacy officer, three protection services officers dealing with security issues, and program officers with experience at places like the Aspen Institute and the International Criminal Court. They take on between 50 and 75 cases annually in countries all over the world, but say they have seen more than a 15 percent increase in requests for assistance over the past year.
   
   As Quinn points out, the persecution of scholars doesn't occur only in war zones. A lecturer at the China University of Political Science and Law in Beijing, Teng Biao also represented AIDS activists, Falun Gong practitioners, dissidents, and others who the rest of the Chinese bar wouldn't touch. For his efforts, the Chinese government confiscated his passport, disbarred him, shut down his NGO, and took away his teaching license. In 2011, after attending a luncheon during which he discussed ways he might help embattled blind activist Chen Guangcheng, Teng says he was imprisoned and tortured for 70 days.
   
   The following year, he was able to make his way to relative safety in Hong Kong. SAR and Human Rights Watch then arranged a fellowship for him at Harvard Law School. Teng arrived in Boston last September and is now focusing on the issues he wasn't allowed to focus on in China.
   
   * * *
   
   Einstein never made it back to Germany, but Quinn says getting people back home is SAR's end game.
   
   "The idea is to keep scholars safe so that when the dust does settle, there are people who can go back and rebuild," he says.
   
   Guilain Mathé tried to go back. He first fled persecution in 2008, leaving the Democratic Republic of the Congo for a position in Senegal, with assistance from SRF. (Local political bosses and religious leaders were unhappy with his master's thesis, in which he exposed links between the church and armed militias.) When Mathé returned to the DRC for two months in mid-2014 to conduct research for his doctoral dissertation, he says he was arrested, detained, extorted, threatened, and accused of being a spy, and that his research assistant was jailed and beaten. Mathé says he managed to make it across the border into Uganda a half-step ahead of Congolese military intelligence.

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