滕彪文集
[主页]->[独立中文笔会]->[滕彪文集]->[What will this crackdown on activists do to China’s nascent civil soc]
滕彪文集
·《乱诗》/殷龙龙
·吴英的生命和你我有关
·和讯微访谈•滕彪谈吴英案
·吴英、司法与死刑
·努力走向公民社会(视频访谈)
·【蔡卓华案】胡锦云被诉窝藏赃物罪的二审辩护词
·23岁青年被非法拘禁致死 亲属六年申请赔偿无果
·5月2日与陈光诚的谈话记录
·华邮评论:支持中国说真话者的理由
·中国律师的阴与阳/金融时报
·陈光诚应该留还是走?/刘卫晟
·含泪劝猫莫吃鼠
·AB的故事
·陈克贵家属关于拒绝接受两名指定律师的声明
·这个时代最优异的死刑辩词/茉莉
·自救的力量
·不只是问问而已
·The use of Citizens Documentary in Chinese Civil Rights Movements
·行政强制法起草至今23年未通过
·Rights Defence Movement Online and Offline
·遭遇中国司法
·一个单纯的反对者/阳光时务周刊
·“颠覆国家政权罪”的政治意涵/滕彪
·财产公开,与虎谋皮
·Changing China through Mandarin
·通过法律的抢劫——答《公民论坛》问
·Teng Biao: Defense in the Second Trial of Xia Junfeng Case
·血拆危局/滕彪
·“中国专制体制依赖死刑的象征性”
·To Remember Is to Resist/Teng Biao
·Striking a blow for freedom
·滕彪:维权、微博与围观:维权运动的线上与线下(上)
·滕彪:维权、微博与围观:维权运动的线上与线下(下)
·达赖喇嘛与中国国内人士视频会面问答全文
·台灣法庭初體驗-專訪滕彪
·滕彪:中国政治需要死刑作伴
·一个反动分子的自白
·强烈要求释放丁红芬等公民、立即取缔黑监狱的呼吁书
·The Confessions of a Reactionary
·浦志强 滕彪: 王天成诉周叶中案代理词
·选择维权是一种必然/德国之声
·A courageous Chinese lawyer urges his country to follow its own laws
·警方建议起诉许志永,意见书似“公民范本”
·对《集会游行示威法》提起违宪审查的公开建议书
·对《集会游行示威法》提起违宪审查的公开建议书
·滕彪访谈录:在“反动”的道路上越走越远
·因家暴杀夫被核准死刑 学界联名呼吁“刀下留人”
·川妇因反抗家暴面临死刑 各界紧急呼吁刀下留人
·Activist’s Death Questioned as U.N. Considers Chinese Rights Report
·Tales of an unjust justice
·打虎不是反腐
·What Is a “Legal Education Center” in China
·曹雅学:谁是许志永—— 与滕彪博士的访谈
·高层有人倒行逆施 民间却在不断成长
·让我们记住作恶的法官
·China’s growing human rights movement can claim many accomplishments
·總有一種花將會開遍中華大地/郭宏治
·不要忘记为争取​自由而失去自由的人们
·Testimony at CECC Hearing on China’s Crackdown on Rights Advocates
·Tiananmen at 25: China's next revolution may already be underway
·宗教自由普度共识
·"Purdue Consensus on Religious Freedom"
·Beijing urged to respect religious freedom amid ‘anti-church’ crackd
·“中共难容宗教对意识形态的消解”
·非常规威慑
·许志永自由中国公民梦不碎
·滕彪维园演讲
·Speech during the June 4th Vigil in Victoria Park in Hong Kong
·坦克辗压下的中国
·呂秉權﹕滕彪赤子心「死諫」香港
·【林忌评论】大陆没民主 香港没普选?
·曾志豪:滕彪都站出來,你呢?
·June 2014: Remembering Tiananmen: The View from Hong Kong
·The Strength to Save Oneself
·讓北京知道 要甚麼樣的未來/苹果日报
·否認屠殺的言論自由?
·Beyond Stability Maintenance-From Surveillance to Elimination/Teng bia
·从稳控模式到扫荡模式
·為自由,免於恐懼越絕壑——記滕彪談中國維權路
·就律协点名维权律师“无照”执业 滕彪答德国之声记者问
·法官如何爱国?
·滕彪给全国律协的公开信
·郑州十君子公民声援团募款倡议书
·Politics of the Death Penalty in China
·What sustains Chinese truth-tellers
·在人权灾难面前不应沉默
·From Stability Maintenance to Wiping Out/Teng biao
·自由不是一個禮物,而是一個任務
·抱薪救火的严打政策
·习近平要回到文革吗?
·中国宪法的结构性缺陷
·25 years later, Tiananmen cause is still costly
·A Chinese activist: Out of prison but not free
·中国人权有进步吗?
·Activist lawyer vows to keep fighting for human rights
·高智晟:走出监狱却没有自由
·VOA时事大家谈:维权/维稳
·和平香港行動呼籲
·沉默的吶喊
·Head Off a Tiananmen Massacre in Hong Kong/Yang jianli,Teng Biao,Hu ji
·滕彪被中国政法大学除名 因参与新公民运动
[列出本栏目所有内容]
欢迎在此做广告
What will this crackdown on activists do to China’s nascent civil soc

   
   What will this crackdown on activists do to China’s nascent civil society?
   
   Teng Biao
   


   http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/jan/24/crackdown-activists-china-nascent-civil-society-pu-zhiquaing
   
   
   China’s civil society has little cause for optimism in 2015. The country is now seeing the worst crackdown on lawyers, activists and scholars in decades.
   
   Since Xi Jinping became China’s leader in 2012, at least 500 human rights activists and dissidents have been arrested and sentenced to prison. Rights defenders, minorities, NGOs, the internet, underground churches, universities, journalists and writers have all suffered severe controls and persecution. The authorities have taken their policy of “stability maintenance” a step further – to eliminate China’s nascent civil society altogether. Xi is seeking to destroy the people’s ability to resist by stopping the rise of activist leaders and uprooting all the nodes of civil society, which has been quietly growing for the past 10 years.
   
   The Uighur scholar Ilham Tohti, rights lawyer Tang Jingling, activist Xu Zhiyong and many others have all been arrested or jailed.
   
   
   Advertisement
   
   
   
   Even so, almost no one would have thought that renowned human rights lawyer Pu Zhiqiang too would lose his freedom. He enjoyed people’s love and respect, and had found ways to bolster both his cases and his own reputation even through state-owned media outlets.
   
   Pu has a knack for hitting the nail on the head when analysing problems, and great foresight for larger issues. He is generous in aiding friends facing difficulties. Tall, handsome, with a strong voice, he fought evil with fury and righteousness in court. In a democratic system, he would have been a charismatic leader.
   
   Yet in the blink of an eye he became a political prisoner charged with the crimes of inciting subversion of state power, picking quarrels and provoking trouble, illegally obtaining personal information and inciting ethnic hatred.
   
   I have known Pu for over a decade. In 2003, after successfully calling for the abolition of an unconstitutional system of detention known as custody and repatriation, I was filled with hope and decided to devote myself to the fight for human rights. Pu persuaded me to join his law firm.
   
   Because of my activities, I was eventually expelled from the university where I worked and disbarred, “disappeared” and tortured. But Pu was never persecuted, despite his boldness.
   
   Pu was involved with the Tiananmen pro-democracy movement in 1989, staying in the square right up until the very end, despite the obvious danger, and was one of the witnesses of the massacre. When writer Tan Zuoren was indicted for his articles on the subject, Pu tried to call former premier Li Peng and Beijing mayor Chen Xitong to give evidence. He defended Tibetan environmentalist Karma Samdrup, artist Ai Weiwei, and Tang Hui – the mother sent to a labour camp for peacefully petitioning against the sentences given to her daughter’s rapists. He played an important role in the successful campaign to abolish the notorious Reeducation Through Labor system, just one of China’s many forms of extrajudicial detention, and was one of the initiators of Charter 08, the call for democratic reforms which landed Nobel peace prizewinner Liu Xiaobo in prison.
   
   
   Advertisement
   
   
   
   On the highly sensitive issues of Xinjiang and Tibet, he called the government’s heavy-handed suppression in Xinjiang and Tibet a “ridiculous national policy” and amazed people by openly calling out Zhou Yongkang, the party’s former security tsar, for his abuse of power in implementing the “stability maintenance” policy. These were all extremely dangerous actions for someone to take in China, but he shrugged off my fears. Three of the four charges against Pu are based merely on around 30 posts on his microblog.
   
   He attributed his ability to avoid persecution to his understanding of politics and his tact. He was so deeply moved by The Lives of Others, a film about the work of the secret police in East Germany, that he purchased many copies of the DVD and handed them out to secret police, hoping this would help them to retain a shred of their humanity. When they illegally put him under house arrest he still tried to calmly reason with them, knowing that to a certain degree these people who did evil things were also victims of the system.
   
   But in the end his judgment and tact were of no avail. Under such a dictatorship, any person with a conscience who puts his or her ideals into practice must be prepared to be arrested. On 3 May 2014, Pu Zhiqiang and a dozen or so scholars held a private symposium to commemorate the 25th anniversary of the Tiananmen massacre. He was arrested shortly afterwards.
   
   So on the one hand, we see the inherent illegitimacy of the existing regime and the abuse of civil rights that is continuously creating conflicts. But on the other there is the expansion of the internet, marketisation, and globalisation, the rise of civic awareness and social movements. The existing ideology continues to lose its appeal, the environment is worsening day by day, and the existing model of development is facing growing crises.
   
   Despite the pressure, civil society in China is prepared to fight for its survival and growth. There will be detours, setbacks, low points and sacrifices, and more people such as Pu will pay a high price. But the motivation for this harsh crackdown is also the evidence that it will not stop China from moving towards becoming a free, democratic country.
(2015/01/24 发表)
blog comments powered by Disqus

©Boxun News Network All Rights Reserved.
所有栏目和文章由作者或专栏管理员整理制作,均不代表博讯立场