滕彪文集
[主页]->[独立中文笔会]->[滕彪文集]->[ Chinese activist scholar Teng Biao on how Occupy Central affects main]
滕彪文集
·The Law On Trial In China
·自由有多重要,翻墙就有多重要
·你也会被警察带走吗
·Lawyer’s Detention Shakes China’s Rights Movement
·我来推推推
·许志永年表
·庄璐小妹妹快回家吧
·开江县法院随意剥夺公民的辩护权
·Summary Biography of Xu Zhiyong
·三著名行政法学家关于“公盟取缔事件”法律意见书
·公益诉讼“抑郁症”/《中国新闻周刊》
·在中石化上访
·《零八宪章》与政治正当性问题
·我来推推推(之二)
·我来推推推(之三)
·國慶有感
·我来推推推(之四)
·国庆的故事(系列之一)
·国庆的故事(系列之二)
·
·我来推推推(之五)
·我来推推推(之六)
·净空(小说)
·作为反抗的记忆——《不虚此行——北京劳教调遣处纪实》序
·twitter直播-承德冤案申诉行动
·我来推推推(之七)
·关于我的证言的证言
·我来推推推(之八)
·不只是问问而已
·甘锦华再判死刑 紧急公开信呼吁慎重
·就甘锦华案致最高人民法院死刑复核法官的紧急公开信
·我来推推推(之九)
·DON’T BE EVIL
·我来推推推(之十)
·景德镇监狱三名死刑犯绝食吁国际关注
·江西乐平死刑冤案-向最高人民检察院的申诉材料
·我来推推推(之十一)
·法律人的尊严在于独立
·我来推推推(之十二)
·听从正义和良知的呼唤——在北京市司法局关于吊销唐吉田、刘巍律师证的听证会上的代理意见
·一个思想实验:关于中国政治
·公民维权与社会转型(上)——在北京传知行社会经济研究所的演讲
·公民维权与社会转型——在北京传知行社会经济研究所的演讲(下)
·福州“7•4”奇遇记
·夏俊峰案二审辩护词(新版)
·摄录机打破官方垄断
·敦请最高人民检察院立即对重庆打黑运动中的刑讯逼供问题依法调查的公开信
·为政治文明及格线而奋斗——滕彪律师的维权之路
·“打死挖个坑埋了!”
·"A Hole to Bury You"
·谁来承担抵制恶法的责任——曹顺利被劳动教养案代理词
·国家尊重和保障人权从严禁酷刑开始
·分裂的真相——关于钱云会案的对话
·无国界记者:对刘晓波诽谤者的回应
·有些人在法律面前更平等(英文)
·法律人与法治国家——在《改革内参》座谈会上的演讲
·貪官、死刑與民意
·茉莉:友爱的滕彪和他的诗情
·萧瀚:致滕彪兄
·万延海:想起滕彪律师
·滕彪:被迫走上它途的文學小子/威廉姆斯
·中国两位律师获民主奖/美国之音
·独立知识分子——写给我的兄弟/许志永
·滕彪的叫真/林青
·2011年十大法治事件(公盟版)
·Chinese Human Rights Lawyers Under Assault
·《乱诗》/殷龙龙
·吴英的生命和你我有关
·和讯微访谈•滕彪谈吴英案
·吴英、司法与死刑
·努力走向公民社会(视频访谈)
·【蔡卓华案】胡锦云被诉窝藏赃物罪的二审辩护词
·23岁青年被非法拘禁致死 亲属六年申请赔偿无果
·5月2日与陈光诚的谈话记录
·华邮评论:支持中国说真话者的理由
·中国律师的阴与阳/金融时报
·陈光诚应该留还是走?/刘卫晟
·含泪劝猫莫吃鼠
·AB的故事
·陈克贵家属关于拒绝接受两名指定律师的声明
·这个时代最优异的死刑辩词/茉莉
·自救的力量
·不只是问问而已
·The use of Citizens Documentary in Chinese Civil Rights Movements
·行政强制法起草至今23年未通过
·Rights Defence Movement Online and Offline
·遭遇中国司法
·一个单纯的反对者/阳光时务周刊
·“颠覆国家政权罪”的政治意涵/滕彪
·财产公开,与虎谋皮
·Changing China through Mandarin
·通过法律的抢劫——答《公民论坛》问
·Teng Biao: Defense in the Second Trial of Xia Junfeng Case
·血拆危局/滕彪
·“中国专制体制依赖死刑的象征性”
·To Remember Is to Resist/Teng Biao
·Striking a blow for freedom
·滕彪:维权、微博与围观:维权运动的线上与线下(上)
·滕彪:维权、微博与围观:维权运动的线上与线下(下)
·达赖喇嘛与中国国内人士视频会面问答全文
·台灣法庭初體驗-專訪滕彪
[列出本栏目所有内容]
欢迎在此做广告
Chinese activist scholar Teng Biao on how Occupy Central affects main

   
   01 October, 2014
   
   South China Morning Post
   


   Patrick Boehler
   
   
   In June, mainland Chinese scholar Teng Biao addressed a crowd of more than 100,000 in a speech at Hong Kong’s Victoria Park to mark the 25th anniversary of the crackdown on the Tiananmen movement in 1989. Four months later, Teng, one of the most prominent advocates in the mainland’s civil rights movement, says he is surprised by the scale of Hong Kong’s current pro-democracy civil disobedience movement.
   
   Speaking by phone from Harvard University, where he is now a visiting research fellow, Teng shares his impressions on Hong Kong’s protests and how they relate to political reform advocacy in the mainland in a conversation
   
   How do you feel about Occupy Central in Hong Kong?
   
   Occupy Central has grown and has turned into Occupy Hong Kong. We never imagined it would reach this scale and become the Umbrella Revolution it now is.
   
   It seems that the demonstrators are in a difficult position; they cannot give in. Emotions have been rising. Many more joined when they saw police use tear gas. The government can also not give in. It is very clear that it is naïve to expect they would allow genuine universal suffrage in Hong Kong. There is a also concern [in the government] that the democracy issue could spread to other parts of China.
   
   What do you expect the outcome of the protests in Hong Kong will be?
   
   It is very difficult to say, both sides don’t compromise. The likelihood of violence continues to exist and could even increase as protests continue. Of course, one important demand by the protesters is for Leung Chun-ying to step down as chief executive.
   
   I think his resignation is something Beijing could accept, even though it won’t be easy to accept. But his resignation would not in any way affect Hong Kong’s democratisation process. They swap the man, but don’t swap the system.
   
   There has been much talk about anti-mainland sentiment in Hong Kong. What role do you see it play in the current protests?
   
   The impact of indigenisation (本土化) in Hong Kong is certainly getting bigger and bigger. But the main demand among protesters relates to the free election of Hong Kong’s chief executive in 2017. So, I think, some anti-mainland sentiment is part of this movement, but it is certainly not dominant.
   
   Firstly, because the independence of Hong Kong is impossible. Secondly, because Hongkongers see that many people in the mainland support this movement in Hong Kong.
   
   What is the sentiment on Occupy among advocates for political reform in the mainland you have talked to?
   
   Many people in the mainland, including human rights defenders and activists, are looking at what is happening in Hong Kong. It is not only a crucial moment in the democratisation of Hong Kong, it is also an opportunity to promote democratisation in the mainland. They know that they and those in this Umbrella Revolution are challenging the same [thing] -- the Communist Party’s autocratic rule. I think, Hong Kong’s political movement [for political reform] and the mainland’s have become closer. Like I said in Victoria Park, if the mainland doesn’t have democracy, Hong Kong will never have real democracy.
   
   How do you think Occupy will affect the Chinese leadership’s attitude to domestic dissent?
   
   I worry that persecution will intensify. The government’s persecution of dissent in the mainland has been strict and has become more so over the last year. They can only become more anxious, fearing that there is a domestic threat to their rule. It is very hard to predict what will happen in the mainland, but it is certain that Hong Kong will be affected by the increasing persecution on the mainland.
   
   The central leadership might make some compromises in the process, but these could also give them space to manipulate. In moments of great pressure, they could make some promises, but once that crisis is over, who can keep them from breaking the promises?
   
   Teng Biao, 41, gained prominence for successfully challenging the illegal detention of migrant workers after one such worker, Sun Zhigang, died in police custody in Guangzhou in 2003. Over the years, the law lecturer at China University of Political Science and Law and civil-rights lawyer was involved in the New Citizen Movement, which calls for the protection of citizens’ rights enshrined in the Chinese constitution, and for more government transparency. Before he joined Harvard earlier this year, he was a visiting scholar at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.
(2014/10/01 发表)
blog comments powered by Disqus

©Boxun News Network All Rights Reserved.
所有栏目和文章由作者或专栏管理员整理制作,均不代表博讯立场