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·听 来 的 故 事
·禁讨立法需要多少个理由?
·敢 问 路 在 何 方—评福建、河北等地农民罢免人大代表案
·杀人,以整顿市容的名义
·绕不过去的违宪审查
·清明节,我去了天安门广场
·立场主义与道德主义(网络版)
·饥饿的中国—写在冯彦伟绝食抗议榆林市政府野蛮暴行的第48小时
·大学生社团的使命
·激 活 宪 法
·孙志刚事件:知识、媒介与权力
·司法的归司法,舆论的归舆论?—从张金柱案到黄静案
·谁能阻止一个人心底的眼泪—日记16则,纪念父亲
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临沂计划生育调查手记
·蒙河边的抗争—临沂计划生育调查手记之一
·“我家亲戚被抓了22口”—临沂计划生育调查手记之二
·她的眼里没有泪水—临沂计划生育调查手记之三
·到办公室上课去!—临沂计划生育调查手记之四
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·学习班—临沂计划生育调查手记之六
·向人性宣战—临沂计划生育调查手记之七
·“盯关跟主义”—临沂计划生育调查手记之八
·人性不曾屈服—临沂计划生育调查手记之九
·野蛮是如何炼成的?—临沂计划生育调查手记之十
·后记:
·有谁战胜过真相
·法治中国需要中国法律人的良知及责任—致世界法律大会中国代表的公开信
·从上书到公开信
·是谁在“严重威胁社会秩序”?—关于游行示威权利的行政复议申请书
·致陈光诚的一封信
·用微笑来面对那些制造恐惧的人——和高智晟在一起的一个下午
·2+2=4的自由
·推倒「新闻柏林围墙」——透视中国新闻自由的前景
·恢复收容遣送制度等于开历史倒车
·陈光诚案凸显中国法治的困局
·暗夜里的光明之舞
·中国维权运动往何处去?
·陈光诚是如何被定罪的?(补充版)
·Crusader in a legal wilderness
·China’s blind Justice
·China's Political Courts
·以公民的姿态挺身而出/闵家桥
·“最可贵的是她有健康的公民意识”——关于公民王淑荣的对话
·“阳光宪政”的护卫者/民主与法制杂志
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·太阳城:写在第三期“名家说法”被命令取消之后
·滕彪印象/法制日报
·Rule of Law requires our consciousness and responsibility
·临沂野蛮计生与陈光诚事件维权大事记(2006-11-7)
·耻为盛世添顺骨
·中国时报专访:盼与政府互动 和平维权
·滕彪博士:精神家园的守望者/刘爽
·司法改良和公民维权——学而思沙龙的网谈
·学术、政治与生活——2006年12月17日做客沧海论坛在线交流记录
·黎明前的见证
·看看我们的朋友——致受难中的高智晟和他的妻子和孩子
·临沂警匪暴行录
·临沂野蛮计生事件及陈光诚案维权大事记(五——七)
·中国当代宪政主义者的困境和选择/林泽波
·通过汉语改变中国
·茶人滕彪/萧瀚
·崔英杰案:“慎杀时代”的第一个考验
·死刑、司法与中国人权
·废除死刑的中国语境——在第三届世界反死刑大会上的发言
·司法独立,和谐中国——2007年“两会”之际的公民呼吁/许志永 滕彪
·彻底改革司法才能避免滥用死刑
·崔英杰案,在多重反思中寻找契机
·从“两会”看赎回选票运动
·关于尽快将青岛市四方区政府违法拆迁行为纳入法制轨道的法律意见书
·青岛野蛮拆迁:袁薪玉被控放火和妨害公务案一审的当庭辩护意见
·维权书简·戴脚镣的舞者
·被遗忘的谎言——就《成都晚报》事件致中宣部长和教育部长的一封信
·滕彪:可怕的“冤案递增律”
·不是我不明白
·张敏:滕彪律师访美谈中国司法现状与维权
·萧洵:纸包子案记者被判刑引发强烈质疑
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·临沂野蛮计生事件及陈光诚案维权大事记(八--九)
·一个案件的真相与两个案件的正义(附:“聂树斌案”到了最危急时刻!)
·滕彪、胡佳:奥运前的中国真相
·郑筱萸案扇了死刑复核程序一记耳光/滕彪 李方平
·“杀害自己孩子的民族没有未来!”
·关于李和平律师被绑架殴打致国务院、最高人民检察院、公安部、国家安全部的公开信(签名中)
·NO FIGHTS,NO RIGHTS——接受博闻社采访谈中国人权现状
·挽包遵信先生
·香港电台铿锵集:扣着脚镣跳舞的中国律师
·那些陌生的人们在我们心底哭泣——推荐一个短片
·关于邮箱被盗用的声明
·《律师法》37条:为律师准备的新陷阱
·保护维权律师,实现法治——采访法学博士滕彪律师/张程
·Six Attorneys Openly Defend Falun Gong in Chinese Court
·李和平 滕彪等:为法轮功学员辩护-宪法至上 信仰自由
·面对暴力的思考与记忆——致李和平
·专访滕彪律师:《律师法》2007修订与维权/RFA张敏
·The Real China before the Olympics/Teng Biao,Hu jia
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Testimony at CECC Hearing on China’s Crackdown on Rights Advocates


   By Teng Biao, published: May 7, 2014
   
   “By the time the free world becomes aware of the need to protect freedom, I fear it may well be too late.”
   

   
   I am a human rights lawyer from China. My name is Teng Biao.
   
   In March, just before First Lady Michelle Obama gave a talk at the prestigious Peking University during her visit to China, I tweeted to draw her attention to the plight of two remarkable Peking University alumni: Cao Shunli and Xu Zhiyong.
   
   On March 14, human rights activist Cao Shunli died in detention after being tortured and then denied medical treatment. The last time I saw Ms Cao was in Hong Kong at an international human rights workshop in early 2013. She had been released for the second time from detention in a laojiaosuo, a Re-education Through Labor camp, and had immediately jumped back into the fray of defending human rights. In September last year the authorities at the Beijing International Airport, where she was en route to Geneva to participate in the UN Human Rights Universal Periodic Review, prevented her from leaving China. She was then abducted and detained for the third time. This time she did not come out alive.
   
   For the past ten years, Dr. Xu Zhiyong has been one of the most prominent figures in the Chinese civil rights movement. The last time I was in contact with him was a few days before he was formally arrested. He sent me a record of his conversations with the secret police. The government gave him several opportunities to compromise: if he agreed to abandon the New Citizens Movement he would be spared of incarceration. Dr. Xu refused it outright.
   
   He said, if fighting for citizen’s rights and freedom is a crime, then he was willing to pay the price. He prayed to God with these words: “I love mankind, and for this love I am willing to face death.”
   
   Dr. Xu was sentenced to four years in jail in January. He was charged with “disturbing public order” while publicly campaigning for equal access to education for children of migrant workers in cities, and demanding officials disclose assets in order to combat corruption. Several dozen supporters of Xu Zhiyong and the New Citizens Movement have been arrested and will soon be put on trial.
   
   Incomplete statistics reveal that since March 31 last year, at least 200 rights advocates have been arrested, including human rights activists like Guo Feixiong, Zhang Lin, and Zhao Changqing who have been imprisoned numerous times for political reasons since 1989; right lawyer Ding Jiaxi; Zhang Shaojie, a pastor at a Christian Church in Henan province, and Ilham Tohti, a Uighur scholar who has been a long-time advocate of peaceful dialogue between Uighurs and Han Chinese.
   
   It is confirmed thatmany human rights activists have been subjected to torture during incarceration, and they include people who have been released (Ding Hongfen, Shen Jun, Song Ze) and people who are still in jail (Li Biyun, Huang Wenxun, Yuan Fengchu, Yuan Xiaohua, Liu Ping, Wei Zhongping, and Li Sihua). All of them were incarcerated for participating in peaceful and lawful human rights activities. Five days after Cao Xunli died, the 43-year-old Tibetan political prisoner Goshul Lobsang died in Kanlho as a result of torture in prison.
   
   Instilling fear, the authorities are targeting the family and friends of rights defenders. Liu Xia, the wife of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo has been under house arrest for many years. Families of many Tibetan self-immolators have been imprisoned, for example, after 31 year-old Kunchok Wangmo, of Ngaba (Chinese: Aba) Tibetan and Qiang Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan, self-immolated, her husband was framed for a crime and sentenced to death.
   
   Many prisoners of conscience are connected to the New Citizens Movement. The earlier incarnation of the New Citizens Movement was a group called Gongmeng, or Open Constitution Initiative,founded by Xu Zhiyong and myself in 2003. Gongmeng focussed on issues of freedom of speech, freedom of belief, opposition to torture, and opposition to the unfair household registration system. It has played active roles in a large number of human rights cases such as those involving Gao Zhisheng and Chen Guangcheng, as well as producing investigative reports such as one on the March 14, 2008, unrest in Tibet.
   
   The New Citizens Movement advocates “Freedom, Justice and Love” to encourage ordinary people to fight for citizens rights and unite human rights advocates around the country. Its activities include: promoting educational equality, pressing officials to disclose their assets, and arranging “same-city dinner gatherings.” Through online mobilization, open letter writing campaigns, signature campaigns, leaflet distribution, pro bono litigation, street speeches, and peaceful protests, the New Citizens Movement has brought the rights defense movement to a new level.
   
   Why is the Chinese government savagely suppressing the rights defense movement and individual rights activists?
   
   It has to do with the changing trends over the last ten years. Since its inception in 2003, the rights defence movement has made great progress. The earlier ground work and the sacrifices made by activists on the one hand and the intensification of social conflicts on the other reveal that:
   ◾rights activists are coming out from cyberspace activism into real-world activism;
   ◾activists are moving from legal appeals towards political ones;
   ◾activists are gradually joining together creating a semblance of organisation. The Charter 08 signatories, the Chinese Human Rights Lawyers Group, and the New Citizens Movement are some of the examples.
   
   The authorities sense an obvious threat as the rights movement has progressed towards the New Citizens Movement, but they are unwilling to engage in dialogue, and they absolutely refuse to relinquish their totalitarian grip on power. Under the guise of maintaining stability at all cost, the authorities brutally punish anyone who in their mind dares to challenge their legitimacy to rule China.
   
   The government’s heavy-handed crackdown will of course scare off some people, but cannot resolve social problems in Chinese society. On the contrary, suppression will only intensify conflicts and problems. Many rules and regulations in China directly violate people’s dignity and freedom. The fissures in our society will become wider and calls for rights and democracy will become more intense if we do not make substantial adjustments to the country’s legal and political systems. More and more people are standing up to demand rights and democracy.
   
   For example, a few days ago, thousands of residents in Maoming, Guangdong Province in southern China, risked their lives to take to the streets to protest plans for a paraxylene (PX) project which they believe will bring serious pollution to the city.
   
   Also recently, in Jiansanjiang, Heilongjiang Province in northern China, a number of lawyers were detained by local police for investigating a “Legal Education Center,” euphemism for black jail used to imprison innocent citizens without any legal procedure. Three of these lawyers were roped and hung up while police punched and beat them with batons. Scores of activists thronged to Jiansanjiang to support the detained lawyers.
   
   Why did lawyers and citizens stand up and take on these black jails? Because they are modern-day concentration camps. Countless Falungong practitioners have been sent by the authorities to “brainwashing classes” or re-education through labor camps. At least 3,000 people have been tortured to death in such places since 1999.
   
   As a result of fighting for freedom, many human rights activists lose their own freedom. I recall the time in 2011 when the secret police in Beijing kidnapped me and held me in a secret location for 70 days, during which time I was subject to tortures including sleep deprivation, physical abuses and solitary confinement. As the secret police used violence against me, they frankly declared, “Don’t talk to us about the law; no one can help you now.”

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