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滕彪文集
·吴英、司法与死刑
·努力走向公民社会(视频访谈)
·【蔡卓华案】胡锦云被诉窝藏赃物罪的二审辩护词
·23岁青年被非法拘禁致死 亲属六年申请赔偿无果
·5月2日与陈光诚的谈话记录
·华邮评论:支持中国说真话者的理由
·中国律师的阴与阳/金融时报
·陈光诚应该留还是走?/刘卫晟
·含泪劝猫莫吃鼠
·AB的故事
·陈克贵家属关于拒绝接受两名指定律师的声明
·这个时代最优异的死刑辩词/茉莉
·自救的力量
·不只是问问而已
·The use of Citizens Documentary in Chinese Civil Rights Movements
·行政强制法起草至今23年未通过
·Rights Defence Movement Online and Offline
·遭遇中国司法
·一个单纯的反对者/阳光时务周刊
·“颠覆国家政权罪”的政治意涵/滕彪
·财产公开,与虎谋皮
·Changing China through Mandarin
·通过法律的抢劫——答《公民论坛》问
·Teng Biao: Defense in the Second Trial of Xia Junfeng Case
·血拆危局/滕彪
·“中国专制体制依赖死刑的象征性”
·To Remember Is to Resist/Teng Biao
·Striking a blow for freedom
·滕彪:维权、微博与围观:维权运动的线上与线下(上)
·滕彪:维权、微博与围观:维权运动的线上与线下(下)
·达赖喇嘛与中国国内人士视频会面问答全文
·台灣法庭初體驗-專訪滕彪
·滕彪:中国政治需要死刑作伴
·一个反动分子的自白
·强烈要求释放丁红芬等公民、立即取缔黑监狱的呼吁书
·The Confessions of a Reactionary
·浦志强 滕彪: 王天成诉周叶中案代理词
·选择维权是一种必然/德国之声
·A courageous Chinese lawyer urges his country to follow its own laws
·警方建议起诉许志永,意见书似“公民范本”
·对《集会游行示威法》提起违宪审查的公开建议书
·对《集会游行示威法》提起违宪审查的公开建议书
·滕彪访谈录:在“反动”的道路上越走越远
·因家暴杀夫被核准死刑 学界联名呼吁“刀下留人”
·川妇因反抗家暴面临死刑 各界紧急呼吁刀下留人
·Activist’s Death Questioned as U.N. Considers Chinese Rights Report
·Tales of an unjust justice
·打虎不是反腐
·What Is a “Legal Education Center” in China
·曹雅学:谁是许志永—— 与滕彪博士的访谈
·高层有人倒行逆施 民间却在不断成长
·让我们记住作恶的法官
·China’s growing human rights movement can claim many accomplishments
·總有一種花將會開遍中華大地/郭宏治
·不要忘记为争取​自由而失去自由的人们
·Testimony at CECC Hearing on China’s Crackdown on Rights Advocates
·Tiananmen at 25: China's next revolution may already be underway
·宗教自由普度共识
·"Purdue Consensus on Religious Freedom"
·Beijing urged to respect religious freedom amid ‘anti-church’ crackd
·“中共难容宗教对意识形态的消解”
·非常规威慑
·许志永自由中国公民梦不碎
·滕彪维园演讲
·Speech during the June 4th Vigil in Victoria Park in Hong Kong
·坦克辗压下的中国
·呂秉權﹕滕彪赤子心「死諫」香港
·【林忌评论】大陆没民主 香港没普选?
·曾志豪:滕彪都站出來,你呢?
·June 2014: Remembering Tiananmen: The View from Hong Kong
·The Strength to Save Oneself
·讓北京知道 要甚麼樣的未來/苹果日报
·否認屠殺的言論自由?
·Beyond Stability Maintenance-From Surveillance to Elimination/Teng bia
·从稳控模式到扫荡模式
·為自由,免於恐懼越絕壑——記滕彪談中國維權路
·就律协点名维权律师“无照”执业 滕彪答德国之声记者问
·法官如何爱国?
·滕彪给全国律协的公开信
·郑州十君子公民声援团募款倡议书
·Politics of the Death Penalty in China
·What sustains Chinese truth-tellers
·在人权灾难面前不应沉默
·From Stability Maintenance to Wiping Out/Teng biao
·自由不是一個禮物,而是一個任務
·抱薪救火的严打政策
·习近平要回到文革吗?
·中国宪法的结构性缺陷
·25 years later, Tiananmen cause is still costly
·A Chinese activist: Out of prison but not free
·中国人权有进步吗?
·Activist lawyer vows to keep fighting for human rights
·高智晟:走出监狱却没有自由
·VOA时事大家谈:维权/维稳
·和平香港行動呼籲
·沉默的吶喊
·Head Off a Tiananmen Massacre in Hong Kong/Yang jianli,Teng Biao,Hu ji
·滕彪被中国政法大学除名 因参与新公民运动
· Ilham Tohti should get the Nobel peace prize, not life in prison
·受难的伊力哈木
·香港人不会接受一个假选举
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China’s growing human rights movement can claim many accomplishments

   By Teng Biao, Published: April 19 ,2014. WASHINGTON POST
   
   Teng Biao is a Chinese human rights lawyer and co-founder of Gongmeng.
   
    Since Xi Jinping became president of China, there has been a sustained crackdown on advocates of democracy and civil society. A couple hundred Chinese citizens have been arrested and tried or await trial. Lawyer and activist Xu Zhiyong , a founding leader of the New Citizens’ Movement, was arrested in July; his four-year prison sentence was upheld this month. The sentences of other New Citizens’ Movement leaders, including Ding Jiaxi, Li Wei, Zhao Changquing and Zhang Baocheng, were recently announced: Each will be imprisoned for at least two years.


   
   Many people mistakenly think that the New Citizens’ Movement did not have a chance to do much before being wiped out. In fact, the crackdown is an attempt to stamp out a growing civil rights movement that, though challenged, has been long in the making.
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
    .
   
   
   In spring 2003, a young college graduate, Sun Zhigang , was taken into custody in Guangzhou for failing to produce the proper residential permit. He was violently beaten and died three days later. Sun’s death, which happened about the time Internet use was taking off, sparked a national outcry. Xu Zhiyong, Yu Jiang and I wrote an open letter to the standing committee of the National People’s Congress, requesting a constitutional review of the Custody and Repatriation system, a form of extrajudicial detention targeting migrants that was responsible for the deaths of Sun and untold others. The review never happened, but the State Council, essentially the executive branch, bowed to public outrage and abolished the barbaric, discriminatory policy.
   
   Late that year the three of us set up a nongovernmental organization called Gongmeng, or the Citizens League (better known in English as the Open Constitution Initiative), to promote constitutionalism and the rule of law in China. Gongmeng provided legal assistance to victims of injustice and spread the idea of human rights while spearheading China’s rights movement.
   
   That year, Xu won a local election as an independent candidate. In China almost no one takes these elections seriously because the “representatives” do not really represent the people. Gongmeng tried to change that by encouraging people to become independent candidates and helping their campaigns.
   
   In the years that followed, our small body of rights lawyers, liberal intellectuals, journalists and citizen activists was involved in almost every major case in China. Gongmeng defended wrongfully convicted defendants in several death penalty cases as well as the entrepreneur Sun Dawu, who was tried for raising money from citizens while China’s banking system was riddled with corruption. Gongmeng organized the investigation of forced abortion in Linyi, Shandong province , and Xu was Chen Guangcheng’s lawyer in the trial that sent the blind man to jail for more than four years. Xu represented the leading human rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng when Gao’s law firm was shut down. In 2008, Gongmeng was the key player in getting compensation for thousands of victims of melamine-tainted milk formula.
   
   Gongmeng also engaged in social investigations, research and policy studies. In 2005, we wrote a report and made specific recommendations for improving human rights. After the March 14, 2008, unrest in Tibet, we produced a report analyzing the ethnic tensions and making policy suggestions.
   
   In 2009, Chinese authorities charged Gongmeng with tax evasion and detained Xu Zhiyong. He was released within a month, thanks to overwhelming public support, but Gongmeng was fined nearly 1.5 million renminbi and shut down.
   
   By that time, the government saw Xu and me as troublemakers, if not enemies of the state.
   
   But we continued our work. We changed the organization’s name to Citizens . We did not want to be, nor could we be, a regular nongovernmental organization anymore. We wanted a citizens’ movement across China.
   
   In 2010, Xu, I and a few others initiated the “Citizens’ Pledge,” calling on Chinese people to bear their civil responsibilities and to fight for their fundamental rights.
   
   In May 2012, Xu published an essay, “The New Citizens’ Movement,” without fanfare. We continued to do a lot of the things that Gongmeng did, but the movement’s initial activities included an education rights campaign and street demonstrations to call for asset disclosure by officials.
   
   The education rights campaign sought to help millions of children across China gain access to education where their parents live, work and pay taxes but don’t have a local household registration. The campaign, a struggle that lasted more than four years, eventually forced governments on every level to change discriminatory policies, but Chinese courts have since managed to find Xu “guilty” of “disrupting order” by leading this peaceful effort and for supporting street activities aimed at curbing corruption.
   
   As part of the New Citizens’ Movement, like-minded citizens met the last Saturday of each month, in more than 30 cities, for dinner gatherings to discuss public affairs, the rule of law or other topics of interest. These were conscious democratic exercises.
   
   Over the past decade, two competing priorities emerged in China: rights defense and stability maintenance. For the government, stability rules above all else. Yet more and more Chinese have stood up to demand their rights as human beings and as citizens. The Chinese government will continue to crack down on civil society, but no crackdown will stop the growing rights awareness of millions of Chinese and their courage and determination to fight for their freedom. “Crimes” they are convicted of in the course of their struggle will be great badges of honor to them.
   
   In his closing statement to the court, Xu Zhiyong said: “It does not matter where you are, what jobs you have, whether you are poor or rich; let us say in our hearts, in our everyday lives, on the Internet, on every inch of Chinese land, say with conviction and pride that which already belongs to us: I am a citizen, we are citizens.”
   
   He called out to fellow Chinese to “believe in love and the power of hope for a better future, in the desire for goodness deep inside every human soul.”
(2014/04/21 发表)
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