滕彪文集
[主页]->[独立中文笔会]->[滕彪文集]->[China’s growing human rights movement can claim many accomplishments]
滕彪文集
·Chinese Activist Wins Rights Prize
·我无法放弃——记一次“绑架”
·认真对待出国权
·毒奶粉:谁的危机?
·不要制造聂树斌——甘锦华抢劫案的当庭辩护词
·“独立知识分子”滕彪/刘溜
·经济观察报专访/滕彪:让我们不再恐惧
·人权:从理念到制度——纪念《世界人权宣言》60周年
·公民月刊:每一个人都可能是历史的转折点
·抵制央视、拒绝洗脑
·公民在行动
·Charter of Democracy
·阳光茅老
·中国“黑监狱”情况让人担忧/路透社
·《关于取缔黑监狱的建议》
·用法律武器保护家园——青岛市河西村民拆迁诉讼代理词
·关于改革看守所体制及审前羁押制度的公民建议书
·仅仅因为他们说了真话
·再审甘锦华 生死仍成谜
·邓玉娇是不是“女杨佳”?
·星星——为六四而作
·I Cannot Give Up: Record of a "Kidnapping"
·Political Legitimacy and Charter 08
·六四短信
·倡议“5•10”作为“公民正当防卫日”
·谁是敌人——回"新浪网友"
·为逯军喝彩
·赠晓波
·正义的运动场——邓玉娇案二人谈
·这六年,公盟做了什么?
·公盟不死
·我们不怕/Elena Milashina
·The Law On Trial In China
·自由有多重要,翻墙就有多重要
·你也会被警察带走吗
·Lawyer’s Detention Shakes China’s Rights Movement
·我来推推推
·许志永年表
·庄璐小妹妹快回家吧
·开江县法院随意剥夺公民的辩护权
·Summary Biography of Xu Zhiyong
·三著名行政法学家关于“公盟取缔事件”法律意见书
·公益诉讼“抑郁症”/《中国新闻周刊》
·在中石化上访
·《零八宪章》与政治正当性问题
·我来推推推(之二)
·我来推推推(之三)
·國慶有感
·我来推推推(之四)
·国庆的故事(系列之一)
·国庆的故事(系列之二)
·
·我来推推推(之五)
·我来推推推(之六)
·净空(小说)
·作为反抗的记忆——《不虚此行——北京劳教调遣处纪实》序
·twitter直播-承德冤案申诉行动
·我来推推推(之七)
·关于我的证言的证言
·我来推推推(之八)
·不只是问问而已
·甘锦华再判死刑 紧急公开信呼吁慎重
·就甘锦华案致最高人民法院死刑复核法官的紧急公开信
·我来推推推(之九)
·DON’T BE EVIL
·我来推推推(之十)
·景德镇监狱三名死刑犯绝食吁国际关注
·江西乐平死刑冤案-向最高人民检察院的申诉材料
·我来推推推(之十一)
·法律人的尊严在于独立
·我来推推推(之十二)
·听从正义和良知的呼唤——在北京市司法局关于吊销唐吉田、刘巍律师证的听证会上的代理意见
·一个思想实验:关于中国政治
·公民维权与社会转型(上)——在北京传知行社会经济研究所的演讲
·公民维权与社会转型——在北京传知行社会经济研究所的演讲(下)
·福州“7•4”奇遇记
·夏俊峰案二审辩护词(新版)
·摄录机打破官方垄断
·敦请最高人民检察院立即对重庆打黑运动中的刑讯逼供问题依法调查的公开信
·为政治文明及格线而奋斗——滕彪律师的维权之路
·“打死挖个坑埋了!”
·"A Hole to Bury You"
·谁来承担抵制恶法的责任——曹顺利被劳动教养案代理词
·国家尊重和保障人权从严禁酷刑开始
·分裂的真相——关于钱云会案的对话
·无国界记者:对刘晓波诽谤者的回应
·有些人在法律面前更平等(英文)
·法律人与法治国家——在《改革内参》座谈会上的演讲
·貪官、死刑與民意
·茉莉:友爱的滕彪和他的诗情
·萧瀚:致滕彪兄
·万延海:想起滕彪律师
·滕彪:被迫走上它途的文學小子/威廉姆斯
·中国两位律师获民主奖/美国之音
·独立知识分子——写给我的兄弟/许志永
·滕彪的叫真/林青
·2011年十大法治事件(公盟版)
·Chinese Human Rights Lawyers Under Assault
·《乱诗》/殷龙龙
·吴英的生命和你我有关
·和讯微访谈•滕彪谈吴英案
[列出本栏目所有内容]
欢迎在此做广告
China’s growing human rights movement can claim many accomplishments

   By Teng Biao, Published: April 19 ,2014. WASHINGTON POST
   
   Teng Biao is a Chinese human rights lawyer and co-founder of Gongmeng.
   
    Since Xi Jinping became president of China, there has been a sustained crackdown on advocates of democracy and civil society. A couple hundred Chinese citizens have been arrested and tried or await trial. Lawyer and activist Xu Zhiyong , a founding leader of the New Citizens’ Movement, was arrested in July; his four-year prison sentence was upheld this month. The sentences of other New Citizens’ Movement leaders, including Ding Jiaxi, Li Wei, Zhao Changquing and Zhang Baocheng, were recently announced: Each will be imprisoned for at least two years.


   
   Many people mistakenly think that the New Citizens’ Movement did not have a chance to do much before being wiped out. In fact, the crackdown is an attempt to stamp out a growing civil rights movement that, though challenged, has been long in the making.
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
   
    .
   
   
   In spring 2003, a young college graduate, Sun Zhigang , was taken into custody in Guangzhou for failing to produce the proper residential permit. He was violently beaten and died three days later. Sun’s death, which happened about the time Internet use was taking off, sparked a national outcry. Xu Zhiyong, Yu Jiang and I wrote an open letter to the standing committee of the National People’s Congress, requesting a constitutional review of the Custody and Repatriation system, a form of extrajudicial detention targeting migrants that was responsible for the deaths of Sun and untold others. The review never happened, but the State Council, essentially the executive branch, bowed to public outrage and abolished the barbaric, discriminatory policy.
   
   Late that year the three of us set up a nongovernmental organization called Gongmeng, or the Citizens League (better known in English as the Open Constitution Initiative), to promote constitutionalism and the rule of law in China. Gongmeng provided legal assistance to victims of injustice and spread the idea of human rights while spearheading China’s rights movement.
   
   That year, Xu won a local election as an independent candidate. In China almost no one takes these elections seriously because the “representatives” do not really represent the people. Gongmeng tried to change that by encouraging people to become independent candidates and helping their campaigns.
   
   In the years that followed, our small body of rights lawyers, liberal intellectuals, journalists and citizen activists was involved in almost every major case in China. Gongmeng defended wrongfully convicted defendants in several death penalty cases as well as the entrepreneur Sun Dawu, who was tried for raising money from citizens while China’s banking system was riddled with corruption. Gongmeng organized the investigation of forced abortion in Linyi, Shandong province , and Xu was Chen Guangcheng’s lawyer in the trial that sent the blind man to jail for more than four years. Xu represented the leading human rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng when Gao’s law firm was shut down. In 2008, Gongmeng was the key player in getting compensation for thousands of victims of melamine-tainted milk formula.
   
   Gongmeng also engaged in social investigations, research and policy studies. In 2005, we wrote a report and made specific recommendations for improving human rights. After the March 14, 2008, unrest in Tibet, we produced a report analyzing the ethnic tensions and making policy suggestions.
   
   In 2009, Chinese authorities charged Gongmeng with tax evasion and detained Xu Zhiyong. He was released within a month, thanks to overwhelming public support, but Gongmeng was fined nearly 1.5 million renminbi and shut down.
   
   By that time, the government saw Xu and me as troublemakers, if not enemies of the state.
   
   But we continued our work. We changed the organization’s name to Citizens . We did not want to be, nor could we be, a regular nongovernmental organization anymore. We wanted a citizens’ movement across China.
   
   In 2010, Xu, I and a few others initiated the “Citizens’ Pledge,” calling on Chinese people to bear their civil responsibilities and to fight for their fundamental rights.
   
   In May 2012, Xu published an essay, “The New Citizens’ Movement,” without fanfare. We continued to do a lot of the things that Gongmeng did, but the movement’s initial activities included an education rights campaign and street demonstrations to call for asset disclosure by officials.
   
   The education rights campaign sought to help millions of children across China gain access to education where their parents live, work and pay taxes but don’t have a local household registration. The campaign, a struggle that lasted more than four years, eventually forced governments on every level to change discriminatory policies, but Chinese courts have since managed to find Xu “guilty” of “disrupting order” by leading this peaceful effort and for supporting street activities aimed at curbing corruption.
   
   As part of the New Citizens’ Movement, like-minded citizens met the last Saturday of each month, in more than 30 cities, for dinner gatherings to discuss public affairs, the rule of law or other topics of interest. These were conscious democratic exercises.
   
   Over the past decade, two competing priorities emerged in China: rights defense and stability maintenance. For the government, stability rules above all else. Yet more and more Chinese have stood up to demand their rights as human beings and as citizens. The Chinese government will continue to crack down on civil society, but no crackdown will stop the growing rights awareness of millions of Chinese and their courage and determination to fight for their freedom. “Crimes” they are convicted of in the course of their struggle will be great badges of honor to them.
   
   In his closing statement to the court, Xu Zhiyong said: “It does not matter where you are, what jobs you have, whether you are poor or rich; let us say in our hearts, in our everyday lives, on the Internet, on every inch of Chinese land, say with conviction and pride that which already belongs to us: I am a citizen, we are citizens.”
   
   He called out to fellow Chinese to “believe in love and the power of hope for a better future, in the desire for goodness deep inside every human soul.”
(2014/04/21 发表)
blog comments powered by Disqus

©Boxun News Network All Rights Reserved.
所有栏目和文章由作者或专栏管理员整理制作,均不代表博讯立场