滕彪文集
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滕彪文集
·暗夜里的光明之舞
·中国维权运动往何处去?
·陈光诚是如何被定罪的?(补充版)
·Crusader in a legal wilderness
·China’s blind Justice
·China's Political Courts
·以公民的姿态挺身而出/闵家桥
·“最可贵的是她有健康的公民意识”——关于公民王淑荣的对话
·“阳光宪政”的护卫者/民主与法制杂志
·要让好人走到一起,才能合力纠错——奥美定事件亲历者访谈录/南方周末
·李卫平: 被迫走出书斋的维权者——著名维权律师滕彪访谈录
·太阳城:写在第三期“名家说法”被命令取消之后
·滕彪印象/法制日报
·Rule of Law requires our consciousness and responsibility
·临沂野蛮计生与陈光诚事件维权大事记(2006-11-7)
·耻为盛世添顺骨
·中国时报专访:盼与政府互动 和平维权
·滕彪博士:精神家园的守望者/刘爽
·司法改良和公民维权——学而思沙龙的网谈
·学术、政治与生活——2006年12月17日做客沧海论坛在线交流记录
·黎明前的见证
·看看我们的朋友——致受难中的高智晟和他的妻子和孩子
·临沂警匪暴行录
·临沂野蛮计生事件及陈光诚案维权大事记(五——七)
·中国当代宪政主义者的困境和选择/林泽波
·通过汉语改变中国
·茶人滕彪/萧瀚
·崔英杰案:“慎杀时代”的第一个考验
·死刑、司法与中国人权
·废除死刑的中国语境——在第三届世界反死刑大会上的发言
·司法独立,和谐中国——2007年“两会”之际的公民呼吁/许志永 滕彪
·彻底改革司法才能避免滥用死刑
·崔英杰案,在多重反思中寻找契机
·从“两会”看赎回选票运动
·关于尽快将青岛市四方区政府违法拆迁行为纳入法制轨道的法律意见书
·青岛野蛮拆迁:袁薪玉被控放火和妨害公务案一审的当庭辩护意见
·维权书简·戴脚镣的舞者
·被遗忘的谎言——就《成都晚报》事件致中宣部长和教育部长的一封信
·滕彪:可怕的“冤案递增律”
·不是我不明白
·张敏:滕彪律师访美谈中国司法现状与维权
·萧洵:纸包子案记者被判刑引发强烈质疑
·自由亚洲电台:拾荒者遇上联防离奇死亡 孙志刚式悲剧首都重现?
·何亚福 王鑫海 杨支柱等:放开二胎倡议书
·临沂野蛮计生事件及陈光诚案维权大事记(八--九)
·一个案件的真相与两个案件的正义(附:“聂树斌案”到了最危急时刻!)
·滕彪、胡佳:奥运前的中国真相
·郑筱萸案扇了死刑复核程序一记耳光/滕彪 李方平
·“杀害自己孩子的民族没有未来!”
·关于李和平律师被绑架殴打致国务院、最高人民检察院、公安部、国家安全部的公开信(签名中)
·NO FIGHTS,NO RIGHTS——接受博闻社采访谈中国人权现状
·挽包遵信先生
·香港电台铿锵集:扣着脚镣跳舞的中国律师
·那些陌生的人们在我们心底哭泣——推荐一个短片
·关于邮箱被盗用的声明
·《律师法》37条:为律师准备的新陷阱
·保护维权律师,实现法治——采访法学博士滕彪律师/张程
·Six Attorneys Openly Defend Falun Gong in Chinese Court
·李和平 滕彪等:为法轮功学员辩护-宪法至上 信仰自由
·面对暴力的思考与记忆——致李和平
·专访滕彪律师:《律师法》2007修订与维权/RFA张敏
·The Real China before the Olympics/Teng Biao,Hu jia
·我们不能坐等美好的社会到来
·律师:维权人士胡佳将受到起诉
·胡佳被捕 顯示中國要在奧運之前大清場
·人权的价值与正义的利益
·抓捕胡佳意味着什么?
·关于《奥运前的中国真相》一文的说明——声援胡佳之一
·邮箱作废声明
·关于审查和改变《互联网视听节目服务管理规定》部分不适当条款的建议
·胡佳的大爱与大勇
·后极权时代的公民美德与公民责任
·狱中致爱人
·奥运和乞丐不能并存?
·滕彪李苏滨关于青岛于建利涉嫌诽谤罪案的辩护意见
·纽约时报社评:中国的爱国小将们
·回网友四书
·我们都来关注滕彪博士/王天成
·暴力带不来和平,恐怖建不成和谐——就滕彪、李和平事件感言/王德邦
·让滕彪回家、追究国保撞车肇事的法律责任、还被监控公民自由/维权网
·刘晓波:黑暗权力的颠狂——有感于滕彪被绑架
·Article 37 of the PRC Law on Lawyers: A New Trap Set for Lawyers
·Chinese lawyer missing after criticising human rights record
·Chinese Lawyer Says He Was Detained and Warned on Activism
·For Chinese activists, stakes are raised ahead of the Olympics
·To my wife, from jail/Teng Biao
·Beijing Suspends Licenses of 2 Lawyers Who Offered to Defend Tibetans in Court
·National Endowment for Democracy 2008 Democracy Awards
·获奖感言
·司法与民意——镜城突围
·Rewards and risks of a career in the legal system
·太离谱的现实感
·35个网评员对“这鸡蛋真难吃”的不同回答(转载加编辑加原创)
·Dissonance Strikes A Chord
·顺应历史潮流 实现律协直选——致全体北京律师、市司法局、市律协的呼吁
·但愿程序正义从杨佳案开始/滕彪 许志永
·维权的计算及其他
·我们对北京律协“严正声明”的回应
·网络言论自由讨论会会议纪要(上)
·网络言论自由讨论会会议纪要(下)
·Well-Known Human Rights Advocate Teng Biao Is Not Afraid
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Striking a blow for freedom

Striking a blow for freedom: The campaign in memory of Sun Zhigang, 10 years on
   
   Ten years ago three graduates shocked by the custody death of Sun Zhigang sent a petition that led to a significant step towards the rule of law
   .
   Tuesday, 14 May, 2013, 7:42am

   
   Verna Yu
   
   When Xu Zhiyong read a news report in late April, 2003, about a young man who had been beaten to death in police custody, he slumped dumbfounded in front of his computer.
   
   Sun Zhigang, 27, a graphic designer from Wuhan , was picked up by police on March 17, 2003, during a random identity check in Guangzhou, where he worked.
   
   Unable to produce a temporary residence permit, Sun was placed in a custody and repatriation centre. Three days later he was dead after being attacked by staff and inmates.
   
   A postmortem examination showed he suffered extensive bruising to his heart, brain, lungs, liver and kidneys.
   
   Sun's death caused a national outcry and led to angry demands for the scrapping of the regulation that gave police the power to arbitrarily detain people found without urban residency permits in cities. Xu and best friends Teng Biao and Yu Jiang , who had all recently graduated with doctorates in law from the prestigious Peking University, decided they had to take action.
   
   Ten years ago today, they sent an open letter to the National People's Congress Standing Committee, petitioning it to conduct a review of the regulation on the detention and repatriation of non-city residents.
   
   They argued it was unconstitutional because it violated the personal freedom of citizens.
   
   They also hoped their appeal would have a wider impact by creating a precedent for citizen-initiated constitutional reviews, so that other laws and regulations that violated the constitution could be challenged.
   
   The next month, the unthinkable happened. The then premier, Wen Jiabao , announced that the regulation on "the custody and repatriation of vagrants and beggars in cities" would be abolished.
   
   The three academics (from left) Teng Biao, Yu Jiang and Xu Zhiyong on their graduation day. Photo: SCMP Pictures
   
   The move surprised and heartened the young academics. The case also led Xu and Teng into careers in rights activism.
   
   "Then, I was filled with hope and I decided to devote my life to human rights and NGO work," Teng, now a legal scholar and prominent activist, said in a recent interview. "It was the turning point of my life." A decade on, the "Sun Zhigang incident" is regarded as the event that marked the start of the weiquan, or rights defence movement, in which ordinary citizens use the law as a tool to defend their rights through litigation or activism.
   
   It is not clear whether the petition letter played a deciding role in the abolition of the detention and repatriation regulation.
   
   But the three academics believe their proposal helped influence public opinion, putting pressure on the government - particularly after state media were muzzled by censors.
   
   "It was a significant event for the rule of law," Teng said. "The involvement of intellectuals, lawyers, the media and internet users made it an influential incident."
   
   Yu said an important legacy of the incident was the rise in ordinary people's awareness of their rights over the past 10 years.
   
   "The Sun Zhigang incident had a role in promoting the understanding of law and human rights, and the concept of freedom of movement and personal freedom," said Yu, now head of law at Huazhong University of Technology.
   
   "Before, people just thought it was bad that police had beaten someone to death, but didn't think about why it was unreasonable. Nowadays people tend to think injustice happens because of the system."
   
   Xu said the government had not fundamentally shifted its stance on human rights in the past decade. But thanks to the rapid development of social media, public opinion had become a much stronger force and had often forced the government to make concessions.
   
   "The human rights situation has improved … but it's mostly due to social progress, as people's tolerance of [rights abuses] has lessened," he said. "In the past 10 years society has progressed, but the autocratic system has not."
   
   Sun Zhigang's father, Sun Liusong, is consoled by his son, Sun Ziguo. Photo: SCMP PicturesWhile public pressure pushed the government to scrap the detention and repatriation system, Xu, Teng and Yu regret that the government failed to conduct a constitutional review, which could have set a precedent for challenging other unconstitutional laws. Over the past decade, serious cases of rights abuses have continued to emerge.
   
   While some caused a public outcry, not one has pushed the government to abolish other unconstitutional laws and regulations. Teng said that while media attention and public anger could sometimes influence the outcome of victims' court cases, the lack of an established legal procedure meant justice could not be guaranteed.
   
   "You can't always expect a positive outcome," he said. "Sometimes the government will make a concession, but there is no predicting it."
   
   Yu said their success 10 years ago was tempered by the fact that it failed to become a catalyst for sweeping systemic change that would have enabled other unconstitutional laws to be scrapped. "It didn't result in a significant change in the system, so the meaning of the Sun Zhigang case is limited," he said.
   
   Xu and Teng, who vowed to take up the challenge of seeking justice for the underprivileged, have ironically become the victims of official retaliation and rights abuses themselves.
   
   Yu focused on academic research and did not take up rights activities like Xu and Teng. Xu is now under constant police surveillance. He has been confined to his home since last month, when he was barred from travelling to Hong Kong to attend an academic conference commemorating Sun's death.
   
   Since launching the New Citizen social movement - an initiative to push for democracy and basic civil rights - in May last year, he has been subjected to arbitrary house arrest numerous times to prevent him from meeting supporters.
   
   Xu is officially still a law lecturer at Beijing University of Post and Telecommunications. But he was barred from teaching after his non-profit legal aid centre, the Open Constitution Initiative - co-founded with Teng, Yu and others - was closed by the authorities in 2009 and he was put in custody for nearly a month.
   
   Observers say the work of the legal aid centre touched a nerve with the authorities because it was a strong force in the rights defence movement, which they fear could threaten their rule.
   
   A Postarticle from May 17, 2003. Photo: SCMP Pictures
   
   It has challenged so-called "black jails", sought rights for petitioners, death row inmates and migrants' children and has helped the parents of babies poisoned in the melamine-tainted milk scandal in 2008 to seek legal redress.
   
   Teng, a law lecturer at China University of Political Science and Law and founder of the NGO China Against Death Penalty, has frequently been harassed for his vocal stance on rights issues.
   
   In 2008, Teng had his lawyer's licence revoked and he was once kidnapped by police, who hooded him and held him for days for his criticism of rights abuses ahead of the Beijing Olympics.
   
   In 2011, in the aftermath of Tunisia's "jasmine revolution", which saw popular revolts overthrow several authoritarian regimes in North Africa, he was detained for 70 days at unknown locations. Most of the time he was handcuffed, deprived of sleep and made to sit in fixed positions for long periods under strict surveillance in curtained rooms.
   
   But Xu and Teng say they have no regrets. "For society to progress, someone has to pay a price," Xu said.
   
   "And of course, it has been worth it - we have helped lots of people in our push for social progress for the past decade."
   
   For example, Xu said his campaign for education rights for migrant workers' children had partially succeeded, after they were allowed to take university entrance examinations in the cities where their parents worked, with the exception of Beijing and Shanghai.

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