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郭国汀律师专栏
·风景如画的莱茵河畔
·郭国汀律师出席布鲁塞尔第二届全球支持亚洲民主化大会留影
·郭国汀律师在德国法郎克福
·郭国汀律师在德国法郎克福
·郭国汀律师在德国法郎克福留莲忘返
***(58)郭国汀律师名案要案抗辩实录
***(一)郭国汀律师为清水君抗辩
·郭国汀我为什么为清水君辩护?
·律师郭国汀对黄金秋(清水君)颠覆国家政权案辩护大纲
·清水君网上组党案刑事上诉状
·江苏高院强行书面审判清水君上诉案
·黄金秋(清水君)颠覆国家政权上诉案辩护词纲要
·清水君案上诉辩护词附件
·清水君案江苏高院驳回上诉维持原判
·中共伪法官评黄金秋颠覆国家政权案
·郭国汀律师清水君颠覆国家政权案研究
·郭国汀归纳清水君思想论点主旨言论集
·郭国汀就黄金秋颠覆国家政权上诉案致江苏省高级法院院长函
·郭国汀致狱中清水君函
·郭国汀律师第五次会见清水君
·狱中会见清水君手记
·郭国汀就清水君案上诉审江苏高级法院刑一庭王振林法官函
·作家黄金秋被无罪判重刑十二年辩护律师郭国汀谴责中共司法不公
·我为留学生英雄清水君抗辩
·清水君近况
·清水君其人其事辩护律师答记者问
·清水君:开庭日
·清水君:我的最后陈述
·清水君狱中诗草
·告诉你一个真实的清水君─黄金秋自述
·狱中诗草-短诗赠郭兄雅正
·赠黑眼睛等诸友
·南郭/清水君自我辩护感人至深
·南郭/中国人决不能忘记清水君!
·南郭/清水君是当代中国英雄
·南郭/清水君在狱中受到中共监狱毫无人性的虐待!
***(二)郭国汀律师为法轮功抗辩
***(1)中共极权暴政的最新反人类罪:活体盗卖法轮功学员人体器官专栏
·郭国汀 中共活摘器官是真的!
·中共为何纵容活体盗卖法轮功信徒的人体器官Why the CCP Harvests the Living Falun Gong
·BLOODY HARVEST Organ of Falun Gong
·活体盗人体器官关健证人调查纪录
·惊天罪孽 铁证如山
·郭国汀:苏家屯事件敲响了中共的丧钟
·郭国汀:苏家屯事件是真实的
·郭国汀:西方媒体报导苏家屯是个时间问题
·西方媒体首次报导苏家屯事件!
·中共活割法轮功学员人体器官主调查人DADID Matas 获Tarnopolsky 2007年人权奖(英文)
***(2)郭国汀律师为法轮功强力抗辩
·Resolution for Falun Gong in Congress of USA
·法轮圣徒瞿延来为何令南郭敬重?答MICRONET有关瞿延来的质疑
·中共为何血腥镇压法轮功?
·诉江泽民案美国依据国际法的义务:是对公共安全的危胁还是种族灭绝?
·值得中国律师学习的起诉书: 诉江泽民\李岚清\罗干\刘京\王茂林损害赔偿两千万加元
·郭国汀论辩法轮功
·我为法轮功说句公道话
·陈光辉监外执行、保外就医申请书
·为争取信仰自由权已绝食抗争七百八十天的瞿延来.
·百无一用是中国律师
·答三项基本原则
·中共必须立即停止镇压法轮功
·我为什么为法轮功辩护? 郭国汀
·我为法轮功抗辩的真实心声
·法轮功真相之我见
·中共才是真正的邪教----中共血腥残暴迫害法轮功的根源
·中共镇压法轮功的国际法分析
·中共滥用教制度镇压法轮功的法理解析
·当代中国的盖世太宝[610办公室]研究(英文)
·有感于对法轮功学员的强制教育
·中共当局必须立即无条件释放刘如平律师!郭国汀
·声援支持杨在新律师!
·郭国汀章天亮曾宁谈425和平上访到千万退党的精神延续
·中共专制暴政一直在杀人----悼念讲真相英雄陈光辉
·FALUN GONG PERSECUTION FACTS HEET
·RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND FALUN GONG IN CHINA
·2
·Falun Gong Wins Motion in Historic Torture Lawsuit against Former Head of China
·为法轮功抗辩与自由中国论坛部份网民的论战
·Dr Wang Wenyi will be remembered by history as a great courage hero
·法轮功是比中共有过之无不及的一人专制吗?-答谭嗣同先生
·法轮功讲真相无罪
·郭国汀:对法轮功学员的劳教、判刑是非法行为
·郭国汀介绍为法轮功学员打官司的曲折经历
·质疑张千帆教授对法轮功的评价 郭国汀
·宣誓证词Affidavit
·中共一贯谎言连篇是个地道的骗子党!
·中共下达密文奥运成迫害最大借口
·中国著名人权律师从为法轮功辩护看中共践踏法律(图)
·郭国汀律师批评中共奧運前加劇迫害法輪功
·郭国汀律师呼吁台湾政府予吴亚林政治庇护
·郭国汀律师称中共持续非法迫害法轮功及其辩护律师
·答Gavin0919郭国汀是法轮功走狗之指控
***(3)郭国汀为法轮功辩护的专访
·专访郭国汀律师(上) :为法轮功辩护
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美国宪政民主的基本要素

美国宪政民主的基本要素

   

   

   

   郭国汀

   

   

   

   美国自由宪政民主是政府权力受到分权制衡机制限制的宪政民主体制。美国宪法的结构主要考虑两层分权:一是将政府权力纵向分为联邦主权和各州主权两层;二是将联邦权力横向分为行政、立法和司法三个政府部门。此种纵、横双向分权制衡的政治结构被称作联邦分权制。[1]自十九世纪以来,特别是二次世界大战后,世界民主大潮势不可挡,绝大多数拉丁美洲国家在上个世纪九十年代,所有南半球的34个国家除了古巴之外,全部实现了竞争性民主选举,并总体上实现了自由市场经济[2]。到2010年,东欧前共产党国家包括罗马尼亚,阿尔巴尼亚,及前南斯拉夫(分解成七个国家)百分之百实现了竞争性自由宪政民主。唯有俄国民主化进程在普金主导下倒退成“不自由的民主”或“竞争性独裁专制”。

   

   

   

   宪政体制政府,由个人定期选择若干公民作为人民的代表服务于政府,行使立法权和监督权。[3]‘永远的警惕是自由的代价’。宪法作为国家根本大法其规定至关重要,但是,正如恒德法官早年所指出,‘人民心中所思所想更为重要。人民愿意捍卫那些权利是维护这些权利的关健’。[4]自由选举权,政治反对的合法性,限制任意逮捕、监禁和惩罚,及保障少数派权利是自由宪政民主体制的四项基本要素。

   

   

   

   有限宪政民主的首要与最明显的要素乃是确定定期自由公平选举,这实际上是引导政府变革的动因。宪法规定了人民得自由组织与参与定期选举的规则。这些选举必定会导致那些实际拥有管理国家的权力的人民群体变革[5]。

   

   

   

   政治对抗的合法性是有限宪政民主的第二要素,其与第一要素密切相关。这种人民有权批评政府政策,有权批判宪政体制的结构,特别是政府的动议与政策的观念,以及主张人民对管理国家的最高权力的观念,是自由民主宪政健康成长的必要前提,其逻辑结果则是:个人必须有政治异议而免受逮捕和劫持的自由。[6]人民还必须有权自由经营社会媒体。“国会不得制定任何压缩言论自由或出版自由的法律”。美国最高法院法官曾判定该第一修正案的核心是政治异议权以及以不仅使政府讨厌,而且令大多数人民反感的方式,反对政府政策的表达自由权。[7]亦即在美国政治言论绝对自由。

   

   

   

   有限宪政民主的第三项基本要素乃是人民免受任意逮捕和监禁的自由及获得公正审判权的保障。[8]如果人民随时得担心自已的人身自由,或可能因言获罪或随时处于被当局非法查非法逮捕或枉法裁判的境地,自由宪政民主将不复存在。

   

   

   

   有限宪政民主的第四项要素乃是尊重少数派权利的制度。该要素的一项基本要求乃是政府不应干预某个自视为少数派,以他们自已愿意的方式组织他们自已的私有的文化,宗教,和教育事务的人民群体的权利。少数派权利有关政治权利的问题更加重要,亦即在何种程度上应当允许少数派组织地方政治自治的某种措施,及是否应当有参与国家政治程序的保障。[9]

   

   

   

   保障该体制的一项前提要件乃是有一个独立的司法,能够强制实施保护该体制的规则。欲使此种体制能够实际运作,必须在正式的宪政结构之外,存在独立的旨在保护这些权利的私人组织,亦即介于个人与政府之间的公民社会。[10]最后,如何保护这种有限宪政政府免受来自内外那些不支持有限宪政政府的人的篡夺有一个问题,对此美国宪法起草者们使联邦政府负责维持一个共和的政府形式。他们不仅担心外国的军事侵犯,而且也担心内部的骚乱。他们还担心某个州的人民会选举一个国王。因此,他们对在自由选举中人民可以做什么强加了一项限制。他们并未设立直接的纯民主,而是设立了一个有限的宪政政府,因为他们认识到政府必须防止外部的军事侵犯,同时必须防止来自人民自已非法颠覆政府的渴望。[11] 因此,宪政从某种意义是即限政。吾以为联邦自由宪政民主政体是未来自由中国的最佳政体。因为中国是个由汉族与56个少数民族共同组成的多民族极复杂的国土面织居世界第四位,人口高达十四亿的超级大国,而世界上大国除了中国之外,全部是联邦制国家。联邦分权制最有利于多民族大国,是因为其既能保持大国综合优势,又能充分保障地方自治和个人自由。

   

   [1] See Erwin Chemerinsky, Federal Jurisdiction 1.5 (2d ed. 1994). Two major concerns dominate the structure of the United States Constitution: they are the allocation of governmental authority between the federal and state sovereigns and the distribution of federal authority within the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government. These themes are often described by the terms federalism and the separation of powers

   

   [2] most of Latin America in the '90s. By the mid-'90s, all thirty-four hemisphere nations except Cuba had democratically-elected governments and, in general, free market economies.

   

   [3] ..Jonathan R. Macey, Representative Democracy, 16 HARV. J.L. & PUB. POL'Y 49 n. 1 (1992). "constitutional system of government, whereby individuals elect fellow citizens to serve as their representatives.

   

   * Director of the Washington Office of The American Civil Liberties Union.

   

   [4] John Philot Curran, 1790, in JOHN Battler, FA. major Quotations 397 (15th ed. 1980). Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty." What is written in a constitution is important, but what is in the people's hearts and minds, as Judge Hand told us a long time ago, is much more important. People's willingness to struggle for those rights is critical to the maintenance of those rights.

   

   [5] The first and most obvious element is the set of procedures for periodic free elections which actually lead to a change in government. the first element of a limited constitutional democracy is rules which provide for periodic elections in which people are free to organize and participate. Those elections must also lead to a change in the group of people who actually have the power to run the country.

   

   [6] The second element, closely related to the first, is the legitimacy of political opposition. This is the notion that people have a right to criticize the policies of the government, the structure of the constitutional system, particular initiatives or policies of the government, and to proclaim their superior ability to govern the country. Individuals must be free to disagree without fear of arrest and abduction.

   

   People must also be able to get access to the media of the society. "Congress shall make no law ... abridging the freedom of speech or of the press."[7] The Supreme Court has said that at the core of this amendment is the right of political dissent, and the right to express one's opposition to the government's policies in ways that are obnoxious to not only the government, but to most of the people

   

   [7] See Simon & Schuster, Inc. v. Members of the N.Y. State Crime Victims Bd., 112 S. Ct. 501, 509 (1991) (applying strict scrutiny test to strike an ordinance which financially burdened the publishing of criminal accounts); Hustler Magazine, Inc. v. Falwell, 485 U.S. 46, 55 (1987) (refusing to accept a subjective standard of "outrageousness" to prohibit the publication of political cartoons which some persons may deem to be offensive); FCC v. Pacifica Foundation, 438 U.S. 726, 745 (1977) (stating that "Mhe fact that society may find speech to be offensive is not a sufficient reason for suppressing it"); see also R.A.V. v. St. Paul, 112 S. Ct. 2538 (1992) (invalidating an ordinance which criminalizes bias-motivated disorderly conduct such as cross-burning, since an ordinance discriminates according to the content of the speech); Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397 (1989) (finding flag desecration law inconsistent with the First Amendment). But see United States v. O'Brien, 391 U.S. 367 (1968) (affirming a conviction for burning a conscription registration card despite the symbolic message of such an act).

   

   [8] The third essential element of a limited constitutional democracy is a system which leaves people free from fear of arbitrary arrest and detention, and guarantees the right to a fair trial.

   

   [9] The fourth element of a limited constitutional democratic system is respect for minority rights. An essential requirement of this element is that the government should not interfere with the rights of a group of people, who see themselves as a minority, to organize their own private cultural, religious and educational affairs in the way they choose. The second aspect of minority rights is much harder. This is the question of political rights - the degree to which a minority should be allowed to organize a local area with some measure of political autonomy, and whether it should have guaranteed participation in the political process of the state.

   

   [10] free elections, legitimacy of political opposition, limits on arbitrary arrest, detention and punishment, and protection of minority rights. an essential element of that system is an independent judiciary with the right to enforce rules which protect the system. To make such a system work, there must exist, outside the formal constitutional structure, independent private organizations whose purpose it is to protect those rights.

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