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·《特权论的》精髓——对共产专制特权制度的深刻致命批判
·特权论的精髓——对共产专制特权制度的深刻致命批判 郭国汀
·枭雄黑道乱世的一百年!郭国汀
·论无产阶级民主制度下的两党制
·陈泱潮评胡锦涛
·陈泱潮论江泽民
·我为什么特别推崇陈泱潮先生的思想理论?
·天才论/郭国汀
·彻底揭露批判中共极权专制流氓暴政本质的奇书
·极权专制暴政的根源/郭国汀
·共产极权专制暴政的典型特征——简评陈泱潮的《特权论》
·论共产极权专制政权的本质——三评陈泱潮天才著作《特权论》
·何谓“无产阶级专政”
·陈泱潮论马克思主义的无产阶级专政 郭国汀
·论初级无产阶级专政 /新南郭点评
·论高级无产阶级专政 郭国汀
·中国何往?——政治思想论战书 /新南郭
·陈泱潮论改良主义/郭国汀
·文化大革命是中国民主革命的序幕 郭国汀
·陈泱潮妙评邓小平的“瞎猫屠夫理论” 郭国汀
·陈泱潮精评毛泽东 郭国汀
·论共产党官僚垄断特权阶级 郭国汀
·共产党官员为什么普遍腐化堕落?郭国汀
·“三个代表”是个什么玩意? 郭国汀
·对抗性的社会基本矛盾 郭国汀
·为何中共官员多具有奴隶主和奴仆的双重人格? 郭国汀
·共产专制特权等级制 郭国汀
·人民“公仆”是如何变成骑在人民头上作威作福的老爷的? 郭国汀
·神化首要分子神化党与邪教 郭国汀
·宗教政治与人权灵本主义 郭国汀
·陈尔晋论今日中国社会主要矛盾及前途与命运
·陈泱潮先生在当代中国思想史上的地位 作者:曾节明
***(44)反中共极权专制暴政争自由宪政人权民主绝食抗暴民权运动
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·胡锦涛必须对高智晟受酷刑负直接罪责!
·郭国汀 高智晟律师为何不发声?
·我眼中的高智晟
·郭国汀 从我的经历看中共当局诽谤高智晟的下流
·所谓高智晟公开声明及悔罪书肯定是伪造的
·真正的中国人的伟大怒吼!
·加拿大著名人权律师安世立支持声援全球绝食抗暴的声明
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·呼吁全球万人同步大绝食宣言
·全球接力绝食抗暴运动的伟大意义 郭国汀
·郭国汀声援和平抗暴 呼吁抛弃中共
·中国律师界应全力声援高智晟
·专家剖析高智晟煽动颠覆国家政权案
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·绝食维权抗暴日记
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·告全体中国律师及法律人书----闻高智晟被秘密绑架感言
·郭国汀: 高智晟遭秘密绑架可能成为中共灭亡的导火索
·给真正的中国女人的公开信
·郭国汀:驳刘荻的非理性投射说
·决不与中共专制暴政同流合污--------第29个全球接力绝食抗暴日记 郭国汀
·一部见证当代中国社会现实的伟大纪实作品--序高智晟《中国民间企业维权第一案》
·郭国汀呼吁国际重视高智晟妻儿的遭遇
·将接力绝食抗暴运动进行至最后胜利
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·郭国汀向老戚致敬
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·责令中共当局立即无条件释放兰州大学学生刘西峰!郭国汀
·加拿大著名人权律师ANSLEY支持声援全球绝食抗暴运动的声明
·郭国汀:中国律师应当向高智晟,浦志强律师学习!
***(45)人权研究
***中国人权律师基金会
·郭国汀推荐黄金秋竞选[第三届中国自由文化运动政论奖]推荐函
·郭国汀提名陈泱潮为2009中国自由文化奖之文化成就奖获奖候选人
·郭国汀提名张博树为2009中国自由文化奖之法学奖获奖候选人
·推荐郭国汀先生参选2009年台湾民主人权奖书
·letter of recommendation of Guoting for 2008 Asia Democracy and Human Rights Award
·提名郭國汀律師作為[第三屆亞洲民主與人權獎]候選人的推薦函
·支持郭国汀律师负责组建中国人权律师基金会
·第二届《中国自由文化奖》评奖程序的修改建议
·郭国汀提名张鉴康律师作为第二届自由文化奖之人权奖候选人
·关于提名陈泱潮竞选[中国自由文化运动文化成就奖]推荐函
·推荐郭国汀先生参选第三届「亞洲民主人權獎」推荐书
·Letter of recommendation of Guoting Guo for 2008 The Third Asian Democracy and Human Rights Award
***(46)关注西藏新疆少数民族人权
·解决西藏问题的最佳方案--宪政联邦体制
·中共政权对藏民族所犯下的罪恶
·西藏自古以来属于中国吗?--西藏与中国关系简史
·什么是西藏问题?
·达赖啦嘛论解决西藏问题的原则
·中共宗教灭绝政策的实质是从精神心灵上扼杀藏人
·西藏自古以来属于中国吗?
·西藏问题的实质
·自由法治宪政民主联邦体制是解决西藏问题的最佳方案
·达赖啦嘛最常使用的词汇
·达赖啦嘛的使命与梦想
·达赖啦嘛论西藏问题的实质
·达赖啦嘛论西藏文明文化和历史
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觉醒的人民粉碎专制体制:阿拉伯革命

觉醒的人民粉碎专制体制:阿拉伯革命

   

   THEBIG THINK BEHIND THE ARAB SPRING

   

   By LYNCH, MARC[1]

   

   

   编按:作者是乔治华盛顿大学政治学副教授,兼任《外交政策》杂志中东专栏联合主编。本文着重阐述了阿拉伯异议人士,人权活动家,知识分子,法学家,作家,诗人等十年来在唤醒民众方面的重大作用。阿拉伯之春革命并非心血来潮,学者,知识分子,诗人及媒体人早在十年前便开始不断揭露专制政权的腐败罪孽,冰冻三尺非一日之寒。那种不要揭露中共暴政的罪恶,民众不要与政府抗争之论,是严重误导公众的谬论。因为自由从来不是免费的,如果没有彻底揭批中共暴政的深重罪孽及民众长期坚持不懈的英勇抗议争权,根本不可能会有大众的觉醒,也不会有中国政治民主革命的到来。因此揭批中共极权专制暴政的罪孽越彻底,国人觉醒越早,暴政终结之日也越快。

   

   

   

   

   

   "Whydoes every nation on Earth move to change their conditions except

   for us? Why do we always submit to the batons of the rulers and their

   repression? How long will Arabs wait for foreign saviors?" That is how

   the inflammatory Al Jazeera talk-show host Faisal al-Qassem opened his

   program in December 2003. On another Al Jazeera program around that

   same time, Egyptian intellectuals Saad Eddin Ibrahim and Fahmy Howeidy

   debated whether it would take American interventionto force change in

   the Arab world. Almost exactly seven years later, Tunisians erupted in

   a revolution that spread across the entire region, finally answering

   Qassem's challenge and proving that Arabsthemselves could take

   control of their destiny.

   

   Throughout this year of tumult, Arabs have debated the meaning of the

   great wave of popular mobilization that has swept their world as

   vigorously as have anxious foreigners. There is no single Arab idea

   about what has happened. To many young activists, itis a revolution

   that will not stop until it has swept away every remnant of the old

   order. To worried elites, it represents a protestmovement to be met

   with limited economic and political reforms. Some see a great Islamic

   Awakening, while others argue for an emergingcosmopolitan, secular,

   democratic generation of engaged citizens. For prominent liberals such

   as Egypt's Amr Hamzawy, these really have been revolutionsfor

   democracy. But whatever the ultimate goal, most would agree with

   Syrian intellectual Burhan Ghalyoun, who eloquently argued in March

   that the Arab world was witnessing "anawakening of the people who

   have been crushed by despotic regimes."

   

   In March, Egyptian writer Hassan Hanafi declared that the spread of

   the revolutions demonstrated finally that "Arabunity" -- long a

   distant ideal in a region better known for its fragmentation and

   ideological bickering -- "is an objective reality." This unified

   narrative of change, and the rise of a new, popular pan-Arabism

   directed against regimes, is perhaps the greatestrevelation of the

   uprisings. Not since the 1950s has a single slogan -- back then Arab

   unity, today "The People Want to Overthrow theRegime" -- been sounded

   so powerfully from North Africa to the Gulf. This identification with

   a shared fate feels natural to a generation that came of age watching

   satellite TV coverage of Palestine, Iraq, and Lebanon over the

   previous decade. Al Jazeera, since its rise to prominence in the late

   1990s, has unified the regional agenda through its explicitly Arabist

   coverage -- and its embrace of raucous political debates on the most

   sensitive issues.

   

   That pan-Arab popular identification extended to the democracy

   movements that multiplied across the region -- whether Egypt's

   tenacious street protesters, Bahraini human rights activists, or

   Yemenis (including this year's Nobel Peace Prize winner Tawakkol

   Karman) protesting President AN Abdullah Saleh's nepotismand

   corruption. A decade-long, media-fuelednarrative of change is why

   Arabs immediately recognized each national protest as part of their

   own struggle. As Wadah Khanfar, the network's recently departed

   director-general, put it, "That was AlJazeera's role: liberating the

   Arab mind. We created the idea in the Arab mind that when you have a

   right, you should fight for it."

   

   So while the Arab uprisings generated a marvelousrange of innovative

   tactics (uploading mobile-camera videos to social media like Facebook

   and Twitter, seizing and holding public squares), they did not

   introduce any particularly new ideas. Therelentless critique of the

   status quo, the generational desire for political change, the yearning

   for democratic freedoms, the intense pan-Arab identification -- these

   had all been in circulation for more than a decade. What changed with

   the fall of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali in Tunisia was the recognition

   that even the worst tyrants could be toppled. Itshattered the wall of

   fear. That is why hundreds of thousands ofEgyptians came into the

   streets on Jan. 25. It's why protests broke out in Yemen, Bahrain,

   Morocco, and Jordan. It's why Syrians and Libyans took unfathomable

   personal risks to rise up against seemingly untouchable despots

   despite the near certainty of arrest, torture, murder, and reprisals

   against their families.

   

   The uprisings came in the wake of years ofinstitutional and political

   decay diagnosed acutely by Arabintellectuals such as Egyptianjurist

   Tariq al-Bishri, by the prescient 2002 Arab Human Development Report,

   and by nascentpolitical leaders like former International Atomic

   Energy Agency chief Mohamed ElBaradei. Beneath the edifice of

   stability, they warned, state institutions were crumbling, their

   legitimacy faded in the relentless drift of corruption, nepotism,

   casual brutality, and indifference toward their people. Elections

   became ever more fraudulent (with the Egyptian and Jordanian elections

   of late 2010 among the worst), security servicesmore abusive, graft

   more flagrant.

   

   All this greatly contributed to the economic underpinnings of this

   year's discontent. The previous decade sawneoliberal economic reforms

   that privatized industries to the benefit of asmall number of

   well-connected elites and produced impressive rates of GDP growth.

   But, as ruthlessly dissected by Arab economists like Egypt's Galal

   Amin, the chasm between the rich and poor grewand few meaningful jobs

   awaited a massive youth bulge. For many leftistactivists, the

   uprisings were a direct rejection of this neoliberalism -- and those

   ideas and the technocrats who advanced them have likely been driven

   from power for the foreseeable future.

   

   But the uprisings were not only about jobs andbread; as Sudanese

   intellectual Abdelwahab El-Affendi wrote in January, echoing a famous

   slogan of the 1950s, the revolutions were needed so that the people

   would deserve bread. The theme of restoring thedignity of the people

   pervaded the Arab uprisings. The police abuse that drove Tunisian

   fruit vendor Mohamed Bouazizi's self-immolation and killed the young

   Egyptian Khaled Said struck a chordwith populations who experienced

   daily the depredations of uncaring states. Thegross corruption of Ben

   Ali's in-laws and Hosni Mubarak's efforts to groomhis son for the

   presidency simply insulted many Tunisiansand Egyptians -- and they

   were ever less afraid to say so. A fiercely independent and articulate

   rising generation would no longer tolerate brazencorruption, abusive

   police, indifferent bureaucracy, a stagnant economy, and stage-managed

   politics.

   

   Egypt's Kefaya ("Enough" in Arabic)movement was in many ways the

   forefather of the Arab uprising. Originally drawn together for

   state-sanctioned protests over Palestine and Iraq, the organizers of

   the loose movement courageously turned theirfocus inward to challenge

   the succession of Gamal Mubarak. Kefaya broughttogether an

   astonishing range of ideologies with revolutionary socialists

   protesting side by side with Muslim Brothers, and liberals with

   Nasserists. It pioneered the use of social media,mastered the art of

   symbolic demonstrations, and pried open a space in the Egyptian media.

   

   That opening was seized by an increasingly aggressive press, led by

   figures like the irreverent editor Ibrahim Eissa and liberal publisher

   Hisham Kassem, as well as determined newInternet citizen journalists.

   Independent newspapers such asEissa's al-Dustour eviscerated the

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