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·自由之我见
·不自由勿宁死!
·自由万岁!----我为“新青年学会四君子”及“不锈钢老鼠”辩护
·真正的民主自由政体是中国唯一的选择
·自由万岁!新年好!
·三论思想自由
·为自由而战,为正义事业献身,死得其所无尚光荣
·言论自由受到了严重威胁
·思想自由的哲学基础/郭国汀
·冲破精神思想的牢狱--自由要义/郭国汀
·我们为什么要争言论自由权?/南郭
***(38)思想自由与宗教信仰自由
·郭国汀论宗教信仰
·神学与哲学的异同
·宗教的思索
·爱因斯坦信犹太教和贵格教也信上帝
·信神是愚昧吗?!基督教义反人性吗?!谁在大规模屠杀婴儿?!
·爱因斯坦宗教信仰上帝相关言论选译
·爱因斯坦宗教上帝相关言论第二集
· 爱因斯坦原信的准确译法
·大哲大师大思想家大政治家论宗教上帝
·哲学家的前提与基础
·宗教是统治阶级麻醉人民的鸦片吗?
·为什么说爱才是宇宙的本质?
·宗教起源的根源何在?
·圣父圣子圣灵三位一体论的由来
·人民圣殿教真相
·质疑东海一枭良知大法兼驳良知宇宙本体论
·自然科学与宗教哲学灵魂
·读东海兄批判美国神话有感
·郭国汀为上帝信仰辩护
·驳东海之糊涂上帝观
·四海之内皆兄弟人类本是一家人
·推荐陈尔晋先生之《圣灵福音》
·质疑东海君之《良知大法》
·祝愿祖国早日实现真正的自由!
·关于司法公正的讨论郭国汀律师在北大法律信息网上发表了非常危险的错误观点应该予以驳斥!
·中共当局封杀言论为那般?
·六四的记忆
·谈中华文化与道德重建(四)
·中国百年最伟大的文字!
·郭国汀:为刘荻女英雄辩护吾当仁不让!
·只有思想言论出版新闻舆论的真正自由能够救中国!
·只有说真话的民族才有前途
·一个能思想的人才是力量无边的人/南郭
·思想之可贵在于其独立性
·独立思想是最美的
·思想的高度统一是人类社会之大敌
·统一思想之谬误由来已久矣/南郭
·我的心里话--有感于杜导斌先生被捕
***中共专制暴政政治迫害郭国汀律师实录
·郭国汀律师遭遇黑色元宵节
·中共对我的八次政治迫害--在温哥华告别恐惧讨共诉苦座谈会上的发言(上)
·中共暴政对我的八次政治迫害(中)
·中共暴政对我的八次政治迫害(下)
·If You Really Want Control Lock up Their Lawyers
·Anti-communist sentiments landed Chinese lawyer in an asylum
·我的思想认识与保证/郭国汀
·郭国汀律师的[悔罪][悔过]与[乞求]
·郭国汀因言论“违宪”行政处罚听证案代理词
·我推崇的浦志强大律师/郭国汀
·我被中共当局非法剥夺执业资格的真实原因
***(24)《共产主义黑皮书》郭国汀编译
·共产党皆变成杀人犯罪团伙的历史与理论分析
·朝鲜的罪恶与恐怖和秘密:共产党暴政罪恶批判系列之一
·古巴共产极权政权的罪恶:共产党暴政罪恶批判之二
·越南共产党暴政罪恶昭彰:共产党极权暴政罪恶实录之三
·中欧和东南欧共产党暴政的深重罪孽: 共产党极权暴政罪恶批判之四
·埃塞俄比亚共产党政权的罪孽: 共产党政权罪恶实录之五
·安哥拉和莫桑比克共产党政权的血腥暴力:共产党政权罪恶实录之六
·阿富汉共产党暴政罪大恶极:共产党极权暴政罪恶实录之七
·尼加拉瓜共产党政权的罪孽:共产党暴政罪恶实录之八
·秘鲁共产党的血腥残暴:共产党暴政罪恶实录之九
·虐杀成性的柬普寨共产党暴政:共产党暴政罪恶实录评论系列之十
·波兰共产党政权的罪孽:共产党暴政罪恶实录系列评论之十一
·苏联共产党暴政的滔天罪行:共产党暴政罪恶实录系列评论之十二
·中国共产党极权流氓暴政的滔天罪孽:共产党暴政罪恶实录系列评论之十三
·论共产党极权暴政的归宿-- 2010年全球支持中國和亞洲民主化斯特拉斯堡大會专稿
·金正日真面目
·韩战真相
***(25)《苏联东欧天鹅绒革命》郭国汀编译
·东欧天鹅绒革命导论
·苏联政治民主革命:共产党国极权暴政崩溃原因分析系列评论之一
·罗马尼亚暴力革命:共产党国极权暴政崩溃原因分析系列评论之二
·匈牙利静悄的革命:共产党国极权暴政崩溃原因分析之三
·捷克戏剧性革命:共产党国极权暴政崩溃原因分析之四
·东德和平革命:共产党国极权暴政崩溃原因分析之五
·波兰自我限制的革命:共产党极权暴政崩溃原因分析之六
·罗马尼亚35天革命成功真相
·社会转媒(国际互联网)对阿拉伯之春革命的巨大作用
·郭国汀:苏共政权垮台的根本原因
·阿拉伯之春埃及部分成功的革命
·阿拉伯之春:突尼斯成功的革命
·觉醒的人民粉碎专制体制:阿拉伯革命
·民主革命决非恐怖主义
·东欧各国追究共产党罪犯的罪责概况
·共产党专制暴政皆依赖秘密政治警察实行极权恐怖统治
·共产党极权暴政利用强制劳改劳教集中营野蛮残暴迫害人民
·共产党极权专制暴政实质上皆与人民为敌
·共产党极权专政暴政的大清洗
·共产党极权专制暴政皆利用强制劳改集中营野蛮迫害人民
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觉醒的人民粉碎专制体制:阿拉伯革命

觉醒的人民粉碎专制体制:阿拉伯革命

   

   THEBIG THINK BEHIND THE ARAB SPRING

   

   By LYNCH, MARC[1]

   

   

   编按:作者是乔治华盛顿大学政治学副教授,兼任《外交政策》杂志中东专栏联合主编。本文着重阐述了阿拉伯异议人士,人权活动家,知识分子,法学家,作家,诗人等十年来在唤醒民众方面的重大作用。阿拉伯之春革命并非心血来潮,学者,知识分子,诗人及媒体人早在十年前便开始不断揭露专制政权的腐败罪孽,冰冻三尺非一日之寒。那种不要揭露中共暴政的罪恶,民众不要与政府抗争之论,是严重误导公众的谬论。因为自由从来不是免费的,如果没有彻底揭批中共暴政的深重罪孽及民众长期坚持不懈的英勇抗议争权,根本不可能会有大众的觉醒,也不会有中国政治民主革命的到来。因此揭批中共极权专制暴政的罪孽越彻底,国人觉醒越早,暴政终结之日也越快。

   

   

   

   

   

   "Whydoes every nation on Earth move to change their conditions except

   for us? Why do we always submit to the batons of the rulers and their

   repression? How long will Arabs wait for foreign saviors?" That is how

   the inflammatory Al Jazeera talk-show host Faisal al-Qassem opened his

   program in December 2003. On another Al Jazeera program around that

   same time, Egyptian intellectuals Saad Eddin Ibrahim and Fahmy Howeidy

   debated whether it would take American interventionto force change in

   the Arab world. Almost exactly seven years later, Tunisians erupted in

   a revolution that spread across the entire region, finally answering

   Qassem's challenge and proving that Arabsthemselves could take

   control of their destiny.

   

   Throughout this year of tumult, Arabs have debated the meaning of the

   great wave of popular mobilization that has swept their world as

   vigorously as have anxious foreigners. There is no single Arab idea

   about what has happened. To many young activists, itis a revolution

   that will not stop until it has swept away every remnant of the old

   order. To worried elites, it represents a protestmovement to be met

   with limited economic and political reforms. Some see a great Islamic

   Awakening, while others argue for an emergingcosmopolitan, secular,

   democratic generation of engaged citizens. For prominent liberals such

   as Egypt's Amr Hamzawy, these really have been revolutionsfor

   democracy. But whatever the ultimate goal, most would agree with

   Syrian intellectual Burhan Ghalyoun, who eloquently argued in March

   that the Arab world was witnessing "anawakening of the people who

   have been crushed by despotic regimes."

   

   In March, Egyptian writer Hassan Hanafi declared that the spread of

   the revolutions demonstrated finally that "Arabunity" -- long a

   distant ideal in a region better known for its fragmentation and

   ideological bickering -- "is an objective reality." This unified

   narrative of change, and the rise of a new, popular pan-Arabism

   directed against regimes, is perhaps the greatestrevelation of the

   uprisings. Not since the 1950s has a single slogan -- back then Arab

   unity, today "The People Want to Overthrow theRegime" -- been sounded

   so powerfully from North Africa to the Gulf. This identification with

   a shared fate feels natural to a generation that came of age watching

   satellite TV coverage of Palestine, Iraq, and Lebanon over the

   previous decade. Al Jazeera, since its rise to prominence in the late

   1990s, has unified the regional agenda through its explicitly Arabist

   coverage -- and its embrace of raucous political debates on the most

   sensitive issues.

   

   That pan-Arab popular identification extended to the democracy

   movements that multiplied across the region -- whether Egypt's

   tenacious street protesters, Bahraini human rights activists, or

   Yemenis (including this year's Nobel Peace Prize winner Tawakkol

   Karman) protesting President AN Abdullah Saleh's nepotismand

   corruption. A decade-long, media-fuelednarrative of change is why

   Arabs immediately recognized each national protest as part of their

   own struggle. As Wadah Khanfar, the network's recently departed

   director-general, put it, "That was AlJazeera's role: liberating the

   Arab mind. We created the idea in the Arab mind that when you have a

   right, you should fight for it."

   

   So while the Arab uprisings generated a marvelousrange of innovative

   tactics (uploading mobile-camera videos to social media like Facebook

   and Twitter, seizing and holding public squares), they did not

   introduce any particularly new ideas. Therelentless critique of the

   status quo, the generational desire for political change, the yearning

   for democratic freedoms, the intense pan-Arab identification -- these

   had all been in circulation for more than a decade. What changed with

   the fall of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali in Tunisia was the recognition

   that even the worst tyrants could be toppled. Itshattered the wall of

   fear. That is why hundreds of thousands ofEgyptians came into the

   streets on Jan. 25. It's why protests broke out in Yemen, Bahrain,

   Morocco, and Jordan. It's why Syrians and Libyans took unfathomable

   personal risks to rise up against seemingly untouchable despots

   despite the near certainty of arrest, torture, murder, and reprisals

   against their families.

   

   The uprisings came in the wake of years ofinstitutional and political

   decay diagnosed acutely by Arabintellectuals such as Egyptianjurist

   Tariq al-Bishri, by the prescient 2002 Arab Human Development Report,

   and by nascentpolitical leaders like former International Atomic

   Energy Agency chief Mohamed ElBaradei. Beneath the edifice of

   stability, they warned, state institutions were crumbling, their

   legitimacy faded in the relentless drift of corruption, nepotism,

   casual brutality, and indifference toward their people. Elections

   became ever more fraudulent (with the Egyptian and Jordanian elections

   of late 2010 among the worst), security servicesmore abusive, graft

   more flagrant.

   

   All this greatly contributed to the economic underpinnings of this

   year's discontent. The previous decade sawneoliberal economic reforms

   that privatized industries to the benefit of asmall number of

   well-connected elites and produced impressive rates of GDP growth.

   But, as ruthlessly dissected by Arab economists like Egypt's Galal

   Amin, the chasm between the rich and poor grewand few meaningful jobs

   awaited a massive youth bulge. For many leftistactivists, the

   uprisings were a direct rejection of this neoliberalism -- and those

   ideas and the technocrats who advanced them have likely been driven

   from power for the foreseeable future.

   

   But the uprisings were not only about jobs andbread; as Sudanese

   intellectual Abdelwahab El-Affendi wrote in January, echoing a famous

   slogan of the 1950s, the revolutions were needed so that the people

   would deserve bread. The theme of restoring thedignity of the people

   pervaded the Arab uprisings. The police abuse that drove Tunisian

   fruit vendor Mohamed Bouazizi's self-immolation and killed the young

   Egyptian Khaled Said struck a chordwith populations who experienced

   daily the depredations of uncaring states. Thegross corruption of Ben

   Ali's in-laws and Hosni Mubarak's efforts to groomhis son for the

   presidency simply insulted many Tunisiansand Egyptians -- and they

   were ever less afraid to say so. A fiercely independent and articulate

   rising generation would no longer tolerate brazencorruption, abusive

   police, indifferent bureaucracy, a stagnant economy, and stage-managed

   politics.

   

   Egypt's Kefaya ("Enough" in Arabic)movement was in many ways the

   forefather of the Arab uprising. Originally drawn together for

   state-sanctioned protests over Palestine and Iraq, the organizers of

   the loose movement courageously turned theirfocus inward to challenge

   the succession of Gamal Mubarak. Kefaya broughttogether an

   astonishing range of ideologies with revolutionary socialists

   protesting side by side with Muslim Brothers, and liberals with

   Nasserists. It pioneered the use of social media,mastered the art of

   symbolic demonstrations, and pried open a space in the Egyptian media.

   

   That opening was seized by an increasingly aggressive press, led by

   figures like the irreverent editor Ibrahim Eissa and liberal publisher

   Hisham Kassem, as well as determined newInternet citizen journalists.

   Independent newspapers such asEissa's al-Dustour eviscerated the

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