宗教信仰

李芳敏144000
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李芳敏144000
·所以,我們中間凡是成熟的人,都應當這樣想.即使你們不是這樣想,神也會把這事指示你們.
· 耶和華看見人在地上的罪惡很大,終日心裡思念的,盡都是邪惡的。6於是,耶和華後悔造人在地上,心中憂傷。7耶和華說:“我要把我創造的人,從地上消滅;無論是人或牲畜,是昆蟲或是天空的飛鳥,我都要消滅,因為我後悔造了他們。”
·耶和華必不肯饒恕他;耶和華的怒氣和憤恨必向這人發作
·50 多年前的日本妓女是这样卖淫招呼嫖客的
·我尋找一個美籍華裔成為我的丈夫.. ^-^
·不論 左派 右派 有敵派 無敵派 掃蕩派... 不論 何黨合派 只有 殺光共匪 天下太平!!!
·在巫统走狗马华公会的分裂华人团结之下,马来西亚华人成为马来服适马来人的次等公民,马来人享种种特权马来西亚华人被种种限制和不公平待遇。
·马来西亚的华人现在的地位连狗都不如......
·客人嘲笑道,或许马来人有点笨,没法,要照顾一下。
·中国人为何在马来西亚受虐?ZT
·言论自由有什么不好?
·馬來西亞一黨獨大制順應時局的轉變,也必然有崩潰的一天。
·馬來西亞:性、謊言、謀殺,與政治
·但耶穌說:“撒但,走開!經上記著:‘當拜主你的神,單要事奉他。’”
·13我把彩虹放在雲彩中,作我與大地立約的記號。
·13我把彩虹放在雲彩中,作我與大地立約的記號。
·在地球上不会有什么大事,因为就算整个地球爆炸了, 也只不过是宇宙中少了一粒微尘而已!
·信仰是无国界的。信仰是自由人权的。神是最终的审判者。
·信仰是无国界的。信仰是自由人权的。神是最终的审判者。
·阴茎折断了怎么办?
·阴茎折断了怎么办?
·如果你对一个吃人魔兽说,魔鬼,你太坏了! 这样能建立起人民可以更换的政府来吗?
·參與和公民精神的養成:弥尔著《自由论》,
·自衛殺人是否犯法?为什么自卫杀人不付法律责任呢?
·男性被强奸强奸(又叫性暴力、性侵犯或强制性交),是一种违背被害人的意愿,使用暴力、 威胁或伤害等手段,强迫被害人进行性行为的一种行为。
·男性被强奸,怎么办?男人被强奸之后的尴尬. 男性被强奸,法律如何保护?
·民主可能会选出一个坏人,希特拉发动战争对外侵略,促发第二次世界大战涂炭生灵,这是人所共知。
· 但主的日子必要像賊一樣來到。在那日,天必轟然一聲地消失,所有元素都因烈火而融化;地和地上所有的,都要被燒毀。
· 因此,那城的名就叫巴別,因為耶和華在那裡混亂了全地所有的人的語言,又從那裡把他們分散在全地上。
·一個死了一個瘋了
·我正想在一個專家身上得到解決疑點的意見, 這种亂來的插口,而又沒有知識的人,真是再討厭不過了!
·哥白尼的学说改变了那个时代人类对宇宙的认识,而且动摇了欧洲中世纪宗教神学的理论基础。
· 你 要 專 心 仰 賴 耶 和 華 , 不 可 倚 靠 自 己 的 聰 明 ,
· 很多马来西亚华人想移民
·鬼船的進攻
·聖經 : 傳 道 書 Ecclesiastes
·耶和華對亞伯蘭說:“你要離開本地、本族、父家,到我指示你的地方去。
·耶和華對亞伯蘭說:“你要離開本地、本族、父家,到我指示你的地方去。
·耶和華對亞伯蘭說:“你要離開本地、本族、父家,到我指示你的地方去。
·一句「學生們不要動,讓領導先走」,使288名學童葬身火海,領導們卻全部逃出生天...
·婚 姻 , 人 人 都 當 尊 重 , 床 也 不 可 污 穢 ; 因 為 苟 合 行 淫 的 人 , 神 必 要 審 判 。
· 如果你娶妻子,這不是犯罪;如果處女出嫁,也不是犯罪。不過,這樣的人要受肉體上的苦難,我卻不願你們受這苦難。
·所以甘霖停止,春雨不降;你還是一副妓女的面孔,不顧羞恥。
·妓女可以成為基督徒么?
·誰說人是万物之靈呢?
·海底基地
·我甚麼都不要,除了僕人吃掉的以外,但與我同行的亞乃、以實各、幔利所應得的分,讓他們拿去吧。
·殺了兩只狗^-^ 加州有地
·俄罗斯要向以色列学习打击恐怖主义经验 vS 印度总理:巴基斯坦是“世界恐怖主义中心”
·死共匪就是 欠人罵
·全世界無處可申的冤屈
·怎么辦?人類在很多問題上,都不斷在提出怎么辦?
·這個人又道:“人類制造出來的
·可是時間已經證明,毀滅的來臨,越來越近了。
·“孫中山早就提出過‘喚醒民眾’,過了那么多年,我看中國民眾昏睡的多,醒的少之又少!”
·神說:“你的妻子撒拉,真的要為你生一個兒子,你要給他起名叫以撒,我要與他堅立我的約,作他後裔的永約。
·每天都要禱告上帝...讓 共匪死光光..讓那些 沒人選的 高台⋯⋯狗官=天打雷劈=死無葬生之地!!! 今日中國 公開造假說謊=死共匪...一定下地獄 永遠的火湖!!!
·情報員之死
·耶和華說:“控告所多瑪和蛾摩拉的聲音甚大,他們的罪惡極重。 21 我現在要下去,看看他們所行的,是不是全像那聲聞於我的控告;如果不是,我也會知道的。”
·妓女最早上天堂!!!~~~那些 假道學=最快下地獄...
·馬來西亞残胞特权
·人類一面在追求物
· 周亞輝,你錯了!!!! 假如13亿中國人民, 每一個中國人民通通好像台湾小小妮這樣, 你認為中國现在還有腐败专制的共产党和一党独裁的制度嗎?
·你周亞輝只需要回答: 你周亞輝是死共匪的敵人嗎? 死共匪是你周亞輝的敵人嗎? 死鬼毛泽东死共匪是你周亞輝的敵人嗎?
·劉曉波:毛澤
·義人看見仇敵遭報就歡喜,他要在惡人的血中洗自己的腳. 11 因此,人必說:“義人果然有善報;在世上確有一位施行審判的神。”
·主题:【教你如何杀人.无敌tips.心术不正者勿看】
·Lee Fung Meng Card Balance Due : RM 7,060.62
·只有一党独裁60年 無恥的共狗殭屍是搞自灭战略的支那劣种
·优昙婆罗花
·(婆羅洲) 沙巴州家中发现珍稀优昙婆罗花。
· 教訪民如何殺無恥的共狗殭屍 ^-^
·Palm Oil: Costing The Earth?
·伊朗核问题背后的什叶派因素
· 你們的屍體必倒在這曠野;你們中間被數點過的,就是按著你們的數目,從二十歲以上,向我發過怨言的,
·永遠不要忘記死共匪殘殺中國人=六四照片!!!(12张图)
·永遠不要忘記死共匪殘殺中國人=六四照片!!!(12张图)
·44 所有信的人都在一起,凡物公用, 45 並且變賣產業和財物,按照各人的需要分給他們。
·示每違命與死亡.: 現在你為甚麼不遵守你向耶和華所起的誓,和我吩咐你的命令呢?”
·2010年4月7日 地震列表
·我冷冷地道:“不必多說了,你們那寶貝情報員,是怎樣從大樓上跌下來的?”
·記得加上 一根點燃的火材 ^-^
·好望角, 基督徒不可怕!
·好望角, 基督徒不可怕!
·救中國, 消滅共匪.
·我耶和華已經說了,我必要這樣對待這聚集反抗我的惡會眾;他們要在這曠野滅盡,在這裡死亡。
·美国消灭了多少政敌?自己的总统都灭了不是一个两个,你应该谈谈这才公平.
·他說明天,在他們村落的北方,有一個人會死于意外,這個人的死,會令得全世界都感到意外。
·美國總統約翰肯尼迪,被視為美國自由主義的代表。
·地球人為甚么不會拚命?暴政的滅亡,是要有人肯拚命。
·挾詐而盡坑殺之
·杜令立即道:“這個專門名詞,叫作“偷生”!”
·杜令立即道:“這個專門名詞,叫作“偷生”!” 确然,地球人忍辱愉生的多,奮起反抗拚命的人少,這才形成人類的歷史,直到近前,仍然有著少數暴君統治看大多數人,竟然可以隨意殘殺的行為出現的原因!
·吉爾吉斯暴動 內政部長遇害副總理被挾持
· 吉爾吉斯暴動 內政部長遇害副總理被挾持
·2010年4月8日 地震
·妙觉慈智父亲是中共的机要特务
·妙觉慈智父亲是中共的机要特务
·妙觉慈智父亲是中共的机要特务
·妙觉慈智父亲是中共的机要特务
·妙觉慈智父亲是中共的机要特务
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《我有一个梦想》“公民抗命权”运动的基本原则“非暴力反抗”(nonviolent


   我有一个梦想_百度百科
   http://baike.baidu.com/view/376005.htm
   
   1.马丁·路德·金演讲稿

   编辑本义项
   我有一个梦想
   求助编辑百科名片
   《我有一个梦想》演讲
   《我有一个梦想》演讲
   
   《我有一个梦想》(I have a dream)是马丁·路德·金于1963年8月28日在华盛顿林肯纪念堂发表的著名演讲,内容主要关于黑人民族平等。对美国甚至世界影响很大,被我国编入中学教程。
   
   目录
   
    作者简介
    英文原文
    中文翻译
    相关资料
   展开
   
   编辑本段作者简介
     1968年4月4日黄昏,马丁·路德·金在洛兰宾馆306房间阳台散
   
   
   心时遇刺身亡,终年39岁。他是美国黑人民权运动领袖,浸礼会教堂牧师,非暴力主义者。1929年1月15日出生于佐治亚州亚特兰大市一黑人家庭,父亲和祖父都是浸礼会的传教士。早年就读于亚特兰大的莫尔豪斯学院社会学系,19岁毕业后加入浸礼教会。1951年和1954年又先后毕业于宾夕法尼亚州切斯特市的克罗泽神学院和波士顿大学。1954年在蒙哥马利城的德克斯特大道浸礼会教堂任职。1955年获得博士学位。此后他积极参加和领导美国黑人争取平等权利的斗争,一生三次被捕,三次被判刑。1956年他领导蒙哥马利改进协会,组织黑人进行抵制公共汽车歧视黑人的斗争。全城5万黑人拒乘公共汽车385天,迫使最高法院宣布在交通工具上实施种族隔离为非法。1957年帮助建立黑人牧师组织—南方基督教领袖大会,并任该会首任主席。1963年8月率领25万黑人向华盛顿林肯纪念堂“自由进军”,1964年获诺贝尔和平奖。他极具演说才能,并著有《阔步走向自由》《我们为何不能再等待》等著作。其思想对60年代美国黑人民权运动产生了重大影响。遇害时,他正准备帮助孟菲斯黑人清洁工人组织罢工。当时他在旅馆阳台上与同伴们谈话,被刺客詹姆斯·厄尔·雷用枪击中。刺客得手后窜逃出境,6月8日在伦敦机场被捕,后被判处99年徒刑。金的遇刺触发了黑人抗暴斗争的巨大风暴。4月4日到6日,全美一百多个城市爆发骚乱。
     美国政府确定从1986年起每年一月的第三个星期一(金的诞辰为1月15日)为全国纪念日。从1987年起金的诞辰亦为联合国的纪念日之一。
   编辑本段英文原文
     I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
     Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
     But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
     In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
     But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
     We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
     It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
     But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
     The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
     We cannot walk alone.
     And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
     We cannot turn back.
     There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."
     I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
     Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
     And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
     I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
     I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
     I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

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