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曾铮文集
·楔 子
·第一章 信仰的迷雾
·第二章 《转法轮》悟天机
第二部 镇压
·第一章 嫉妒之火
·第二章 大规模逮捕
·第三章 小我到大法
第三部 三进拘留所
·第一章 我不入地狱谁入
·第二章 让生命在正法中辉煌
·第三章 众生皆有佛性
·第四章 箭射出再画靶心
第四部 劳教血泪
·第一章 人间地狱
·第二章 移监天堂河
·第三章 危险时刻
·第四章 转化
·第五章 惊涛骇浪
·第六章 强制改变不了人心
第五部 流亡
·第一章 揭发真相
·第二章 神圣使命
·后记 ——我还想说什么
·跋-至誠大勇 證道真善忍──《靜水流深》出版的意義與期望
·附 法轮功大事记
曾铮文集(二)
·桉树果的歌(澳大利亚 Philippa Rayment著,曾铮翻译)
·救我北大!(2002年9月25日以笔名心痛发表)
·拎不清的总领事与“三个代表”的最新进展
·如果我能够
·苏震西的三大错误
·李祥春,我向你脱帽致敬
·关于SARS病的最新研究成果
·海外北大学子告同胞书
·今夜我不能安睡
·谁是当今最大的强奸犯与毒贩子?
·师尊的慈泪——为2003全澳法轮大法心得交流会在墨尔本召开而作
·华人世界的悲哀 华人世界的幸运
·论镇压法轮功的完全彻底非法性
·“天安门自焚”大惨案
·【红朝谎言征文】非凡的女儿
·北京人有什么话不敢说?──向勇敢的杜导斌致敬
·童话:美梦成真
·一封家书——致女儿
·致MOON——贺女儿十一岁生日
·李登輝顛覆印象記
·在天地动容的那天,我为你深深祝福----答杨银波公开信
·我的经历及思考
·神童女兒 平常心(之一)
·神童女兒 平常心(二)
·神童女兒 平常心(之三)
·我们能为这些非法轮功做点甚么?
·声明退党 做个明明白白的中国人
·《九评》与道解共产党-在墨尔本《九评共产党》研讨会上的发言
·致张林之妻方草
·再致张林之妻方草-兼论免于恐惧的生活
·方劲武麻烦大了
·與黃若先生商榷—兼談法輪功為何「動不動就報怨被『歧視』」
·中共灭亡是天意
·我为什么以“静水流深”为书名
·关注郭国汀 支持大纪元
·唾棄中共 迎接新紀元
·在悉尼紀念「六四」及中國未來研討會發言稿
·澳洲,请远离今日之“泰坦尼克”
·澳大利亚,请睁开你的双眼!
·勿為私下的行為而公開地哀痛
·為陳用林歡呼
·读张林“判决书”三致方草
·对胡锦涛的又一“棒喝”--在悉尼国际法庭逮捕江泽民令发布会上的发言
·李敖可别“一语成谶”
·The Law and Me: Chinese ‘Law’ v Jennifer Zeng
·论言论自由、新闻管制及中国人民的对策——在亚太地区作家网成立大会上的发言
·亚太作家会决议 控告雅虎
·亚太地区作家网成立大会决议案
·中共发布《重大动物疫情应急条例》意味着什么?
·Speech on the Chinese Democratic Movement Conference in Canberra
·New Era approaches amidst the echo of History
·Raising a “Child Prodigy” with an Ordinary Mindset
·在堪培拉中國民主運動新聞發佈會上的發言
·《南華早報》評論:流亡中國作家曾錚
·诉江泽民、罗干、周永康、刘京及610办公室迫害法轮功控诉辞(一)
·诉江泽民、罗干、周永康、刘京及610办公室迫害法轮功控诉辞(二)(慎入)
·诉江泽民、罗干、周永康、刘京及610办公室迫害法轮功控诉辞(三)
·《同一首歌》將與納粹標誌一樣永釘歷史恥辱柱
·我们做的事情即将载入史册
·认清中共,就是拯救人类
·胜诉控江泽民案最后陈述辞
·又见红卫兵
·近看郝凤军
·Observing a Hero Up Close
·【人物特写】“这听起来有点像传奇”
·维权绝食与六四学生绝食有何不同?
·我的絕食聲明
·致北京司法局-为什么迫害高智晟?
·我们确有“安全的”维权途径!
·绝食那天,精彩叠起!
·中共為甚麼怕我們餓肚子?
·看中共如何有氣無力抵賴蘇家屯
·China, my dear China
·Analyzing the CCP's Feeble Response to Reports About the Sujiatun Concentration Camp
·中國黑暗面的最新「發現」——答美國讀者Valerie來信
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重贴旧文-CHINA IN 2008


   
   
   
   This article was written for The Diplomat and publish at

   
   http://the-diplomat.com/2008/12/22/china-in-2008/
   
   A once-in-a-hundred-year snowstorm marked an ominous beginning for a supposedly magnificent year for China.
   
   Government insider turned dissident writer Jennifer Zeng asks whether 2008 will be remembered as the year the CCP started to lose its stranglehold over China
   
   A once-in-a-hundred-year snowstorm marked an ominous beginning for a supposedly magnificent year for China. In its aftermath came violent protests in Tibet, the controversial Olympic torch relay, the devastating Sichuan earthquake, the Olympics themselves, a poisoned milk powder scandal and financial turmoil.
   
   In some quarters, the handling of these events by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), particularly the response to the earthquake, was praised for its openness. But as someone who has suffered persecution and oppression at the hands of the current regime, my view is somewhat different.
   
   In 2001, after spending a year in the Beijing Female Forced Labour Camp for practising Falun Gong, I escaped to Australia to seek asylum. Electric shocks, beatings, sleep deprivation and endless hard labour had been daily ordeals, and every moment was a battle between life and death as the police used all means to force us to renounce Falun Gong.
   
   Once in Australia, I wrote about my experiences. Speaking at a forum, I was asked whether I saw any similarity between the suffering Tibetans have endured and my own. I suddenly realised that much of my knowledge about Tibet came from the CCP propaganda I had grown up with, such as how China had ‘liberated’ Tibetans from feudal slavery and how happy Tibetan people were today.
   
   Why was I so ignorant of the real state of affairs? I had a Masters degree from Peking University, and after graduating I worked as a policy researcher and consultant in the Development Centre of the State Council (China’s cabinet), even writing a speech for the then Premier. Such a background should have qualified me as informed rather than ignorant. Yet my world view had been totally shaped by the oppressive, pervasive information control in my native country.
   
   Olympics and PR perpetuate China’s legitimacy
   
   A controlled world view was the reason that thousands of Chinese students turned Canberra into a sea of red to ‘defend’ their motherland when the Olympic torch reached Australia. The students’ actions were reported to have strong Chinese government support, which is hardly surprising given that patriotism and nationalism have become the two most important weapons used by the CCP to maintain its power, and the regime plays those cards at every opportunity.
   
   Now that Western journalists have been allowed back into Tibet, it has become apparent that, despite Kevin Rudd’s criticism back in April, terrible things continued to happen in the region while the world was focused on the Olympics. Yet inside China until very recently, few people sought to challenge the Party’s version of events, instead applauding the government’s censure of foreign leaders who had the temerity to question China’s human rights record.
   
   It is this long-term absence of criticism – achieved through suppression and information control – that has historically given the authorities the licence to act with impunity in Tibet. Even the Dalai Lama now appears to have admitted defeat, announcing in October 2008 that he had ‘given up on efforts to convince Beijing to allow greater autonomy for Tibet under Chinese rule.’
   
   Information control even extends to natural disasters. My parents and two sisters live only 100km from Wenchuan, the epicentre of the Sichuan earthquake. Amazingly, I managed to speak to my mother only three hours after the quake. ‘I heard rumours that there would be earthquakes in May,’ she said, ‘but I never dreamed there really would be one…’
   
   In his book, The Tangshan Warning, Zhang Qingzhou details how the prediction of the Tangshan earthquake that killed an estimated quarter of a million people in 1976 was suppressed by the authorities, and how a local official in Qinglong County managed to save 400,000 lives because he ‘happened’ to hear of this prediction and chose to warn people.
   
   The ‘rumours’ my panicked mother was referring to concerned reports that the CCP had again suppressed the earthquake forecast because it did not qualify as ‘harmonious news’ in the run-up to the Olympic Games.
   
   Wang Zhaoshan, Vice President of the Writers Association in Shangdong Province, claimed in his poem, ‘Accounts under the Rubble’, that even those children who were buried under the ruins were impatient to cheer together with 1.3 billion Chinese people, if only they could have a TV set in front of their graves to watch the Beijing Olympics.
   
   The International Olympic Committee, Western leaders, sponsors and business leaders who attended the opening ceremony may continue to insist on the importance of engaging China and that politics should be separated from sport, but that does not disguise the fact that the CCP cynically used the Beijing Olympics to enhance and perpetuate its own political legitimacy.
   
   For the Party, the Olympics represented the ultimate PR campaign. That is why more money was spent on these Games than any other Olympics in history. That is why the thousands whose homes were bulldozed to make way for Olympic infrastructure were considered expendable and thrown out onto the street with little or no compensation. And that is why over 8000 Falun Gong practitioners were arrested in the six months before the Olympics. Most are still in custody, many have been tortured and, according to the Falun Dafa Information Center, at least six deaths have occurred.
   
   Pollution, corruption, food adulteration
   
   The Paralympics had barely drawn to a close when news of the poisoned milk powder broke. If the Sanlu Group had not been partly owned by New Zealand’s Fonterra and launched an investigation, thousands more babies might be dying from the results of melamine poisoning. The authorities had known there was a problem since December 2007, but it was all hushed up because of the Olympics.
   
   Food and water contamination is a massive problem in China. Zhou Qing, award-winning author of What Kind of God – A Survey of the Current Safety of China’s Food, warned years ago that food security could ultimately spark the collapse of the CCP, and there are increasing signs that the people are less accepting of the situation. Certainly the statistics make sobering reading.
   
   Over 40 per cent of drinking water in rural China falls short of government standards, animal feed is almost universally tainted with melamine, excessive pesticides and chemical fertilisers are used to boost yields, and harmful antibiotics are widely administered to control disease in seafood and livestock. Talcum powder is routinely added to flour and rice is chemically whitened. And yet, miraculously, the CCP is still able to ensure access to the best-quality organically grown produce for party officials.
   
   Throughout 2008, the CCP has used the global financial crisis to reinforce the superiority of the country’s social system. In reality, though, China is far from immune. Its stock market has plunged by nearly two-thirds in the 11 months to September and the economy remains sluggish, with large numbers of factories going bankrupt as international demand for Chinese-made consumer goods slides. According to the State Planning and Development Commission, nearly 70,000 small- to medium-sized companies went out of business in the first half of 2008.
   
   It is these factors and their associated social repercussions that most threaten the CCP’s monopoly on political power. As well as the poor and hungry, beneficiaries of Party patronage, who had grown extremely rich in previous years, are known to be unhappy that their worth has been cut by 50 per cent of late.

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