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郭国汀律师专栏
·结社自由和组织权利保护公约
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·促进和保护普遍公认的人权和基本自由的权利和义务宣言
·中国已签国际人权公约联合国人员和有关人权安全公约
·联合国律师职责的基本原则
·联合国司法独立的基本原则(1985年)
·联合国检察官的职责准则
·世界人权公约英文版Universal Declaration of Human Rights
·犯罪及权力滥用受害者恢复正义基本原则
·国际刑事法院规约(1998)
·国际刑事法庭(芦旺达)程序与证据规则(1995)
·国际刑事法庭(芦旺达)规约
·起诉严重侵犯国际人道法责任人的国际(前南斯拉夫)法庭规约(1991)
·消除一切形式歧视妇女的国际公约1981
·国际人权法律资料 取缔教育歧视公约
·关于就业及职业歧视的公约
·消除一切形式歧视妇女的国际公约选择性议定书2000
·联合国防止和惩罚种族灭绝罪的公约(1951)
·联合国有关难民身份的国际公约1954
·儿童权利国际公约1990
·起诉和惩罚欧洲轴心国主要战争罪犯的国际军事法庭协议(纽伦堡宪章)
***区域性国际人权法律文件
·1996年欧洲反破坏性异端决议及其邪教定义
·非洲人权和人民权利公约(1981)
·美洲人的权利与义务宣言(1948)
·美洲人权公约(1969)
·美洲防止和禁罚酷刑的公约
·防止酷刑和其他残忍不人道或有辱人格待遇或处罚的欧洲公约1989
·欧洲保护人权和基本自由公约(1950)
·欧洲社会宪章1961
·建设新欧洲的巴黎宪章1990
(B)***美国人权法律文件
·美国1620年“五月花号”公约(The Mayflower Compact)
·美国1786年弗吉尼亚宗教自由法令
·美国1776年弗吉尼亚权利法案
·美国1862年解放黑奴宣言
·美国1777年邦联条款
·美国1776年维吉尼亚权利法案
(C)***英国人权法律文件
·英国1998年人权法案
·英国1676年人身保护令
·英国1689年权利法案
·英国1628年权利请愿书
·英国1215年自由大宪章
***(52)郭国汀论法官与律师
·悼念前最高法院大法官冯立奇教授逝世四周年
·法官律师与政党 郭国汀
·尊敬的法官大人你值得尊敬吗?!
·郭国汀与中国律师网友论法官
·法官的良心与良知/南郭
·法官!这是我法律生涯的终极目标! 郭国汀
·律师与法官之间究竟应如何摆正关系?
·从 “中国律师人”说开去
·唯有科班出身者才能当律师?!答王靓华高论/南郭
·律师的责任——再答李洪东/南郭
·中国律师朋友们幸福不会从天降!/南郭
·我为北京16位律师喝彩!郭国汀
·郭国汀律师与网上警官的交锋
·我是中国律师我怕谁?!
·郭国汀 好律师与称职的律师
·温柔抗议对郭律师的ID第二次查封
·第五次强烈抗议中国律师网无理非法封杀郭律师的IP
·中国律师网为何封杀中国律师?
·中律网封杀删除最受网友们欢迎的郭国汀律师
·最受欢迎的写手却被中共彻底封杀
·我为何暂时告别中国律师网?
·南郭:律师的文学功底
·中国最需要什么样的律师?
·勇敢地参政议政吧!中国律师们!
·将律师协会办成真正的民间自治组织
·强烈挽留郭国汀律师/小C
·the open letter to Mr.Hu Jintao from Lawyers' Rights Watch Canada for Gao Zhisheng
·自宫与被阉割的中国律师网 /南郭
·做律师首先应当做个堂堂正正的人——南郭与王靓华的论战/南郭
·呵!吉大,我心中永远的痛!
·再答小C君/南郭
·凡跟郭国汀贴者一律入选黑名单!
·历史不容患改!历史专家不敢当,吾喜读中国历史是实
·思想自由的益处答迷风先生
·答迷风先生
·答经纬仪之民族败类之指责,汝不妨教教吾辈汝之哲学呀?
·南郭曾是"天才"但一夜之间被厄杀成蠢才,如今不过是个笨蛋耳!
·答时代精英,
·长歌独行至郭国汀律师公开函
***(53)大学生\知识分子与爱国愤青研究
·春寒料峭,公民兀立(南郭强烈推荐大中学生及留学生和所有关心中国前途的国人精读)
·大中学生及留学生必读:胡锦涛崇尚的古巴政治是什么玩意?!
·是否应彻底否定中华传统文
·向留学生及大中学生推荐一篇好文
·向留学生大学生强烈推荐杰作驳中共政权威权化的谬论
·强烈谴责中共党控教育祸国殃民的罪孽!--闻贺卫方教授失业有感
·學術腐敗是一個國家腐敗病入膏肓的明證
·中共专制暴政长期推行党化奴化教育罪孽深重
·教育国民化、私有化而非政治化党化是改革教育最佳途径之一
·论当代中国大学生和爱国愤青的未来
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北朝鲜疯狂发展核武器为哪般?

   北朝鲜疯狂发展核武器为哪般?

   

   
北朝鲜疯狂发展核武器为哪般?

   怒发冲冠

   

   南郭点评:胡锦涛号召向金正日流氓政权学习政治,朝鲜近日进行了一次失败的核试验,上周又决定退出六方谈判,赶走联合国核武器检查小组,重新启动核试装置。过去人们普遍认为,该流氓政权发展核武器仅旨在作为敲窄勒索的法码,其实北韩实乃患中共文革妄想偏执狂重症而已,与老毛当年的“美帝亡我之心不死”的妄想偏执狂并无两样,毛泽东为了发展原子弹不惜活活饿死近四千万中国农民;金正日同样整天向朝鲜国民宣传美帝国主义亡朝鲜之心不死,因而不惜饿死近300万人也要拼命发展核武器,其目的在于用核武恐怖恐吓世界,以便保住金家极权暴政永世长存,这才是其发展核武器的真实目的。

   中共在六方谈判中一直起着举足轻重的作用,然而长期以来,除了2003年中共曾短暂切断石油供应三天,迫使北韩回到谈判桌前之外,中共利用联合国安理会常任理事国的地位,一直反对联合国制裁朝鲜的决议,甚至在联合国最后通过的对朝鲜仅禁运奢侈品的决议之后,中共不但大量向北韩供应石油、粮食和日用商品,而且在2006年北韩核试之后增加了向北韩出口奢侈商品,实质上鼓励纵容之。但是一旦北韩真撑握核武器后,威胁最大首当其冲的乃是中国。朝鲜根本不是美国的对手,南韩日本金正日这种流氓只会欺软怕硬的流氓也不敢妄动,但恐吓要向它学习政治的胡锦涛倒是非常有可能,因此只有愚蠢如猪的胡锦涛才想得出向该妄想偏执狂政权学习政治的馊主意!

   North Korea Playing For Keeps

   Gady Epstein, 04.16.09, http://www.forbes.com

   Kim Jong Il wants to hold on to his nuclear stockpile.

   

   BEIJING -- For years, the prevailing diplomatic consensus about North Korea has been that the regime wanted nuclear weapons as a bargaining chip, not necessarily as an end in itself. Now, that consensus has blown up in everyone's face.

   "Westerners and many Chinese thought that the purpose of North Korea developing a nuclear program was to have a card to play with the international community, in order to get something it wants," says Zhang Liangui, a Korea expert at China's influential Central Party School in Beijing. "But this judgment is very wrong. The real purpose is to develop nuclear weapons, not to play cards."

   Article Controls

   This is a game-changing assessment, one that some have made before but that may now become crucial in shaping policy. North Korea watchers have long assumed that although Kim Jong Il and his regime may behave in ways we don't always understand, they are rational actors negotiating craftily to get what they need to stay in power: food, fuel and cash. But for a paranoid regime, especially an isolated one that has good reason to be paranoid, never giving up nuclear weapons may be a rational choice.

   The regime's recent failed missile test and the decisions this week to pull out of six-nation talks, kick out atomic inspectors and reopen its nuclear facilities are not absolute proof of that--every move North Korea makes, every belligerent blast of rhetoric from Pyongyang, can be interpreted in the moment as merely another bargaining ploy intended to extract payoffs. The best evidence of the regime's intentions, though, lies in its long history of actions: North Korea pursued the bomb with rigorous determination for decades and is pursuing the ability to threaten the world with nuclear-armed missiles. Why would they then give that up?

   "North Korea believes having a nuclear weapon means survival for the regime," Park Syung Je, at Seoul's Asian Strategy Institute, told me six years ago this month, when North Korean negotiators first told the U.S. during talks in Beijing that they had nuclear weapons. Park continued: "They didn't have any plans to give up their nuclear weapons program anyway. That's showing us that talking with North Korea is kind of wasting time."

   The years of six-party talks since then have resulted in inducements from the other five parties in exchange for broken promises from North Korea. The most tangible gain, a shutdown of North Korea's nuclear facilities at Yongbyon, is reversible. The talks may not have been a total waste of time, though. The region's most important player, China, has been one of the most embarrassed of the six, and could change how it approaches its nominal ally. "North Korea actually has played tricks with the other five countries," says Zhang of the Central Party School. "During the six-party talks, North Korea has not only developed nuclear weapons, but also gotten compensation. ... It is impossible to take a deal with North Korea seriously ."

   China, North Korea's chief supplier of oil and food, can help come up with a better way to contain its neighbor. Up to this point, Chinese leaders have consistently rejected tough U.N. sanctions. When they did finally accede to sanctions on luxury goods in 2006, after North Korea's test of a nuclear weapon, China actually increased its exports of luxury items to the regime, according to an analysis by Marcus Noland of the Peterson Institute for International Economics. The oil kept flowing too. The message was that there is no real penalty for misbehavior.

   This year, the Chinese leadership stood by as Pyongyang planned its "satellite launch"--which, according to a report by the International Crisis Group, came after North Korea told China it planned to "test the waters" with the Obama administration. China agreed to condemn the launch in an official joint statement from the permanent members of the U.N. Security Council, and was rewarded this week with North Korea's hard-line response.

   For the most part, Chinese leaders have preferred a softer approach, perhaps fearful that if the Pyongyang regime falters, they will have utter chaos on their border. That is a legitimate fear, but now, as Zhang says, Chinese leaders have to decide whether they are prepared to live with a nuclear-armed North Korea, and if not, what they are prepared to do about it.

   There is a precedent for tough measures working, though in the end, the results were not encouraging. The last time China truly exercised its leverage with North Korea was in early 2003, when China cut off an oil pipeline to its neighbor for three days. North Korea shortly agreed to come to the negotiating table. Now we know that getting North Korea to talk is far from enough.

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