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·谁能阻止一个人心底的眼泪—日记16则,纪念父亲
·生活是维权运动的源头活水
·虚构的故事
·体制的边界
临沂计划生育调查手记
·蒙河边的抗争—临沂计划生育调查手记之一
·“我家亲戚被抓了22口”—临沂计划生育调查手记之二
·她的眼里没有泪水—临沂计划生育调查手记之三
·到办公室上课去!—临沂计划生育调查手记之四
·不扎也得扎!—临沂计划生育调查手记之五
·学习班—临沂计划生育调查手记之六
·向人性宣战—临沂计划生育调查手记之七
·“盯关跟主义”—临沂计划生育调查手记之八
·人性不曾屈服—临沂计划生育调查手记之九
·野蛮是如何炼成的?—临沂计划生育调查手记之十
·后记:
·有谁战胜过真相
·法治中国需要中国法律人的良知及责任—致世界法律大会中国代表的公开信
·从上书到公开信
·是谁在“严重威胁社会秩序”?—关于游行示威权利的行政复议申请书
·致陈光诚的一封信
·用微笑来面对那些制造恐惧的人——和高智晟在一起的一个下午
·2+2=4的自由
·推倒「新闻柏林围墙」——透视中国新闻自由的前景
·恢复收容遣送制度等于开历史倒车
·陈光诚案凸显中国法治的困局
·暗夜里的光明之舞
·中国维权运动往何处去?
·陈光诚是如何被定罪的?(补充版)
·Crusader in a legal wilderness
·China’s blind Justice
·China's Political Courts
·以公民的姿态挺身而出/闵家桥
·“最可贵的是她有健康的公民意识”——关于公民王淑荣的对话
·“阳光宪政”的护卫者/民主与法制杂志
·要让好人走到一起,才能合力纠错——奥美定事件亲历者访谈录/南方周末
·李卫平: 被迫走出书斋的维权者——著名维权律师滕彪访谈录
·太阳城:写在第三期“名家说法”被命令取消之后
·滕彪印象/法制日报
·Rule of Law requires our consciousness and responsibility
·临沂野蛮计生与陈光诚事件维权大事记(2006-11-7)
·耻为盛世添顺骨
·中国时报专访:盼与政府互动 和平维权
·滕彪博士:精神家园的守望者/刘爽
·司法改良和公民维权——学而思沙龙的网谈
·学术、政治与生活——2006年12月17日做客沧海论坛在线交流记录
·黎明前的见证
·看看我们的朋友——致受难中的高智晟和他的妻子和孩子
·临沂警匪暴行录
·临沂野蛮计生事件及陈光诚案维权大事记(五——七)
·中国当代宪政主义者的困境和选择/林泽波
·通过汉语改变中国
·茶人滕彪/萧瀚
·崔英杰案:“慎杀时代”的第一个考验
·死刑、司法与中国人权
·废除死刑的中国语境——在第三届世界反死刑大会上的发言
·司法独立,和谐中国——2007年“两会”之际的公民呼吁/许志永 滕彪
·彻底改革司法才能避免滥用死刑
·崔英杰案,在多重反思中寻找契机
·从“两会”看赎回选票运动
·关于尽快将青岛市四方区政府违法拆迁行为纳入法制轨道的法律意见书
·青岛野蛮拆迁:袁薪玉被控放火和妨害公务案一审的当庭辩护意见
·维权书简·戴脚镣的舞者
·被遗忘的谎言——就《成都晚报》事件致中宣部长和教育部长的一封信
·滕彪:可怕的“冤案递增律”
·不是我不明白
·张敏:滕彪律师访美谈中国司法现状与维权
·萧洵:纸包子案记者被判刑引发强烈质疑
·自由亚洲电台:拾荒者遇上联防离奇死亡 孙志刚式悲剧首都重现?
·何亚福 王鑫海 杨支柱等:放开二胎倡议书
·临沂野蛮计生事件及陈光诚案维权大事记(八--九)
·一个案件的真相与两个案件的正义(附:“聂树斌案”到了最危急时刻!)
·滕彪、胡佳:奥运前的中国真相
·郑筱萸案扇了死刑复核程序一记耳光/滕彪 李方平
·“杀害自己孩子的民族没有未来!”
·关于李和平律师被绑架殴打致国务院、最高人民检察院、公安部、国家安全部的公开信(签名中)
·NO FIGHTS,NO RIGHTS——接受博闻社采访谈中国人权现状
·挽包遵信先生
·香港电台铿锵集:扣着脚镣跳舞的中国律师
·那些陌生的人们在我们心底哭泣——推荐一个短片
·关于邮箱被盗用的声明
·《律师法》37条:为律师准备的新陷阱
·保护维权律师,实现法治——采访法学博士滕彪律师/张程
·Six Attorneys Openly Defend Falun Gong in Chinese Court
·李和平 滕彪等:为法轮功学员辩护-宪法至上 信仰自由
·面对暴力的思考与记忆——致李和平
·专访滕彪律师:《律师法》2007修订与维权/RFA张敏
·The Real China before the Olympics/Teng Biao,Hu jia
·我们不能坐等美好的社会到来
·律师:维权人士胡佳将受到起诉
·胡佳被捕 顯示中國要在奧運之前大清場
·人权的价值与正义的利益
·抓捕胡佳意味着什么?
·关于《奥运前的中国真相》一文的说明——声援胡佳之一
·邮箱作废声明
·关于审查和改变《互联网视听节目服务管理规定》部分不适当条款的建议
·胡佳的大爱与大勇
·后极权时代的公民美德与公民责任
·狱中致爱人
·奥运和乞丐不能并存?
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中国“黑监狱”情况让人担忧/路透社

By Chris Buckley
   Reuters
   Published: February 9, 2009
    骆秋华/译
   

   
   联合国人权理事会于星期一在日内瓦召开会议。此会议为政府、团体施压于北京关于秘密执行,拘留持有不同政见者的监狱,劳教所和其他形式的拘留持有不同意见者提供了机会。
   
   然而,关于中国对国人的限制的争论不限于国际会议室。在家的活跃分子也被激发了,最近很多人都在反对没经过正当程序审讯或没有上诉权利而关押犯人的拘留所,这些拘留所在中国当地被称为“黑监狱”。
   
   “这些黑监狱显然是违法的。但当地官员却称之为法律学习班,同时宣称法律是我们诉求权利的工具”,江苏省一活跃分子张建平说。
   
   尽管中国g cd 对异议者审查和压制,但对权利要求声势在这个日益多样化、浮躁的社会越来越浩大。
   
   一些人权倡导者说拘留应该是联合国对中国“定期审查”的头等事件。
   
   “在某种意义上说,这是最大的人权问题,因为它涉及如此多人,相当普遍,却法律的公正”,一北京讲师、人权倡导者许志永说,他曾组织 “游击”市民挽救因请愿而被拘留的人。
   
   来自湖北省的郑大靖说,曾关押过他的拘留所里面的小场地挂着横幅,声称为“法律教育课堂”但是在他家乡郧西一个废弃的烟草买卖站,他已被关押一年多的地方没有一本课本,也没有一堂课。
   
   “里面有一条幅说这是让我们了解法律制度的。但是那里没有任何学习或法律”,一银行营业员郑氏说,他曾由于自置居所的争端而被拘留,“看守一天到晚在玩麻将和牌。”
   
   他是每年都有成百上千到北京上诉委员会请愿的公民之一。上诉委员会是为冤屈的市民提供帮助的地方。
   
   但很少有人诉求会得到解决,而请愿者的积怨往往持续深化。地方政府有时使用警察和打手引诱,哄骗或拖曳请愿者远离政府办公室。
   
   这些愤愤不平者,大多是农民,工人和退休工人,在当时都被关押在不张扬拘留所的。这些拘留所往往是位于北京南部的郊区或其他城镇僻径。郑说,他曾从首都的一个黑监狱被带到他家乡的黑监狱,并被关押到去年年底.
   
   他的主张得到八个其他请愿者的响应。他们说起一些鲜为人知的拘留地方,这些往往都是当地政府的首脑为了让囚犯远离视线。
   
   郧西的警察官严志平否认请愿者被扣留在所谓的“法律教育”中心而且说他们对请愿者都是礼貌对待的。但是三个郧西的上诉人(除郑之外)说他们也一度被关押在烟草站。
   
   “警察告诉我要到这学习法律。但是他们才真正需要学习法律,”一中年之前在郧西当士兵的袁荣宝说。他因去年到北京抱怨他家乡的遗迹被破坏而被关押在烟草站一星期。
   
   中国在对联合国的报告中称会严格限制拘留。一个由律师和其他活跃分子组成的团体不同意这个说法,而且他们正在挑战关押请愿者的这些监狱。
   
   自去年来,人权倡导者许先生和一日益壮大的志愿者团队未经申请便突然访问北京数十个甚至更多的关押请愿者的监狱并要求释放被关押者。
   
   在最近的一次运动中,30名示威者挥舞者中国法律小册子来抗议不法的监禁并将摄影镜头对准惊慌的看守。关于抗议者的报告和画面已经在互联网广泛传播,伴随着批评性评论将施压于政府官员,许先生说。
   
   一参与了反对黑监狱的游行示威的北京人权律师滕彪表示:打击这种侵权活动需要国内外的支持。
   
   “我们需要外部的压力和监督”,他说,“但是真正的改善需要国内的突破,国内的运动。如果做不到这点的话,人权就不会扎根于此。”
   
   BEIJING (Reuters) – China defends its handling of human rights under the glare of international scrutiny this week, while homegrown activists are waging their own scrappier battle over secretive detentions in the nation's capital.
   
   A meeting of the U.N. Human Rights Council starting in Geneva on Monday gives groups and governments a chance to press Beijing on secretive executions and jailed dissidents as well as labor camps and other forms of detention.
   
   Yet contention over China's restrictions on its citizens is not confined to international conference rooms. Activists at home have also been galvanized, most recently against what locals call "black jails" -- detention centers holding protesters without official procedures or right to appeal.
   
   "These black jails are clearly against the law. But local officials call them legal study classes, and that shows how they treat the law as just a tool for abusing rights," said Zhang Jianping, an activist in eastern Jiangsu province who runs a website focused on grassroots rights issues.
   
   Despite the ruling Communist Party's censorship and crackdowns on dissent, demands for rights are spreading throughout this increasingly diverse and fractious society.
   
   Some rights advocates said the detentions should be a top issue at the three-day U.N. "universal periodic review" of China, which opens while some countries may be more focused on Beijing's potential role in reviving the global economy.
   
   "In a sense, this is the biggest human rights issue, because it involves so many people, it's so widespread, and it's so lacking in legal justification," said Xu Zhiyong, a Beijing law lecturer and rights advocate who has organized "guerrilla" citizen rescues of detained petitioners.
   
   "LAW EDUCATION CLASS"
   
   Zheng Dajing, from central Hubei province, said the detention center he was held in was called a "law education class" on banners inside its small grounds. But there were no textbooks or lectures in the disused tobacco-buying station in his home county of Yunxi that he said became his jail for over a year.
   
   "A banner inside said it was for us to learn about the legal system. But there was no study or law in there," said Zheng, a plump 46-year-old former bank clerk whose grievances snowballed from a row over home ownership.
   
   "The guards spent all day playing mahjong and cards."
   
   He was one of many tens of thousands of citizens who every year travel to Beijing to complain at government "petitions and appeals" offices promising to help settle citizens' grievances.
   
   But few complaints are resolved and the petitioners' rancor and persistence often deepen. Local governments sometimes use police and hired thugs to lure, cajole or drag petitioners away from government offices, where their complaints may embarrass local leaders and stain their promotion prospects.
   
   The aggrieved farmers, workers and pensioners are then held in the unadvertised detention centers, many on Beijing's southern outskirts and the backroads of other cities and towns. Zheng said he was hauled into one such "black jail" in the capital, driven back to one in his hometown and locked up until late last year.
   
   "Local leaders want to protect themselves, so they try to hide us away, hide away our complaints," said Zheng.
   
   His claims were echoed by eight petitioners interviewed by Reuters. They spoke of cramped, dank, sometimes violent holding yards or rooms, often run by bosses who charge local governments to keep inmates out of sight for days, weeks or months.
   
   When called by Reuters, Yan Zhiping, the police chief of Yunxi, denied petitioners were detained there in a "law education" center and said they were all treated with "civility."
   
   But three petitioners from Yunxi, found independently of Zheng, said they were also held in the one-time tobacco station.
   
   "The police told me I was there to learn the law. But they're the ones who need to learn the law," said Yuan Rongbao, a middle-aged ex-soldier from Yunxi who said he was also held in the station for a week last year after going to Beijing to complain about the demolition of his home.
   
   FIGHTING WITH VIDEO AND THE INTERNET
   
   China says in its report to the U.N. meeting that it strictly limits detentions. A chorus of Chinese lawyers and activists disagrees, and now they are challenging the petitioner jails.
   
   Since last year, Xu, the rights advocate, and an expanding team of volunteers have been descending unannounced on some of Beijing's dozen or more bigger petitioner jails, often kept down isolated byways, to demand the release of detainees.
   
   In one recent raid, 30 clean-cut protesters waved copies of China's laws against unlawful jailing and aimed video cameras at startled guards. Accounts and footage of their protests have spread over the Internet, and with other critical reports they are raising pressure on officials, said Xu.
   
   "The black jails are still there and are still totally illegal, but we think their violence has fallen and they don't beat us up like they did when we started," he said. Rattled officials have sometimes released petitioners, he added.
   
   At peak times, such as during major political meetings, the larger "underground" detention centers in Beijing alone hold many hundreds, waiting to be shunted out of the capital, he estimated.

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