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滕彪文集
·对《集会游行示威法》提起违宪审查的公开建议书
·滕彪访谈录:在“反动”的道路上越走越远
·因家暴杀夫被核准死刑 学界联名呼吁“刀下留人”
·川妇因反抗家暴面临死刑 各界紧急呼吁刀下留人
·Activist’s Death Questioned as U.N. Considers Chinese Rights Report
·Tales of an unjust justice
·打虎不是反腐
·What Is a “Legal Education Center” in China
·曹雅学:谁是许志永—— 与滕彪博士的访谈
·高层有人倒行逆施 民间却在不断成长
·让我们记住作恶的法官
·China’s growing human rights movement can claim many accomplishments
·總有一種花將會開遍中華大地/郭宏治
·不要忘记为争取​自由而失去自由的人们
·Testimony at CECC Hearing on China’s Crackdown on Rights Advocates
·Tiananmen at 25: China's next revolution may already be underway
·宗教自由普度共识
·"Purdue Consensus on Religious Freedom"
·Beijing urged to respect religious freedom amid ‘anti-church’ crackd
·“中共难容宗教对意识形态的消解”
·非常规威慑
·许志永自由中国公民梦不碎
·滕彪维园演讲
·Speech during the June 4th Vigil in Victoria Park in Hong Kong
·坦克辗压下的中国
·呂秉權﹕滕彪赤子心「死諫」香港
·【林忌评论】大陆没民主 香港没普选?
·曾志豪:滕彪都站出來,你呢?
·June 2014: Remembering Tiananmen: The View from Hong Kong
·The Strength to Save Oneself
·讓北京知道 要甚麼樣的未來/苹果日报
·否認屠殺的言論自由?
·Beyond Stability Maintenance-From Surveillance to Elimination/Teng bia
·从稳控模式到扫荡模式
·為自由,免於恐懼越絕壑——記滕彪談中國維權路
·就律协点名维权律师“无照”执业 滕彪答德国之声记者问
·法官如何爱国?
·滕彪给全国律协的公开信
·郑州十君子公民声援团募款倡议书
·Politics of the Death Penalty in China
·What sustains Chinese truth-tellers
·在人权灾难面前不应沉默
·From Stability Maintenance to Wiping Out/Teng biao
·自由不是一個禮物,而是一個任務
·抱薪救火的严打政策
·习近平要回到文革吗?
·中国宪法的结构性缺陷
·25 years later, Tiananmen cause is still costly
·A Chinese activist: Out of prison but not free
·中国人权有进步吗?
·Activist lawyer vows to keep fighting for human rights
·高智晟:走出监狱却没有自由
·VOA时事大家谈:维权/维稳
·和平香港行動呼籲
·沉默的吶喊
·Head Off a Tiananmen Massacre in Hong Kong/Yang jianli,Teng Biao,Hu ji
·滕彪被中国政法大学除名 因参与新公民运动
· Ilham Tohti should get the Nobel peace prize, not life in prison
·受难的伊力哈木
·香港人不会接受一个假选举
· Chinese activist scholar Teng Biao on how Occupy Central affects main
·大陆法律人关于支持港人真普选和释放大陆声援公民的声明
·« Révolution des parapluies » contre Pékin / Teng biao
·We Stand With You
·从占领中环到伞花革命
·不可承受的革命之重
·中国维权运动的历史和现状
·Don’t Get Too Excited About the Investigation of Zhou Yongkang
·Sensing subversion, China throws the book at kids' libraries
·China’s Unstoppable Lawyers: An Interview With Teng Biao
·专访滕彪:中国那些百折不回的律师们/纽约书评
·法治還是匪治
·努力实现匪治
·Hongkong: the Unbearable Weight of the Revolution
·Courts are told what decision to make in important cases
·RISKY BUSINESS fighting for Human Rights in China
·藏族、維吾爾族、南(内)蒙古族以及漢族活動人士的聯合聲明
·A STATEMENT OF SOLIDARITY FROM A TIBETAN, UYGHUR, SOUTHERN MONGOLIAN,
·The Supremacy of the Constitution, and Freedom of Religion
·如果有人倾听你对 昨夜梦境的复述(诗四首)
·China’s Empty Promise of Rule by Law
·Sensing subversion, China throws the book at kids' libraries
·VOA时事大家谈:中国司法不独立,如何进行司法改革?
·VOA时事大家谈:通奸女官员被“游街”:罪有应得还是侵犯人权?
·滕彪:中共“依法治国”的画皮
·What will this crackdown on activists do to China’s nascent civil soc
·浦志强、滕彪:李保华诉周国平名誉权纠纷案代理词
·The most dangerous job in law
·关于撤销《黑龙江省垦区条例》的建议
·Selective Blindness over China and Huamn Rights
·中共体制是一个不定时的炸弹/VOA
·滕彪在伦敦闹市被打劫
·「西方學者自我審查問題嚴重」/BBC
·CHINA'S LONG ROAD TO DEATH PENALTY REFORM
·Blood, Justice and Corruption: Why the Chinese Love Their Death Penalt
·完善我国宪法人权保护条款的建议
·计生基本国策是完全错误的
·死刑作為政治籌碼
·Human Rights Advocates Vanish as China Intensifies Crackdown/NYT
·学者滕彪等人探望基督徒母亲被殴打/RFA
·‘Did We Stand on the Side of Tank Man?’
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Rewards and risks of a career in the legal system

   
   
   By Jamil Anderlini in Beijing
   
   Published: July 24 2008 03:00

   
   Financial Times
   
   
   视频:http://videobeta.aol.com/video-detail/china-beyond-the-games-one-system-two-fates-part-1/1425609966
   
   
   Tao Jingzhou and Teng Biao represent the yin and yang of China's justice system. Both graduated from the prestigious Peking University law school, but they have followed very different career paths and been rewarded in very different ways.
   
   Mr Tao works out of the plush Beijing office of the American law firm Jones Day, where he is a partner. In 1977 he belonged to the first batch of Chinese law students in 20 years. "We didn't have any law books," he says, "because there were hardly any laws in China."
   
   Mr Teng's career, by contrast, has been scraped out of the dark cracks that pervade the criminal justice system, where lawyers are often held responsible for their clients' political crimes.
   
   A 35-year-old from a peasant background, Mr Teng graduated in 2002 with a PhD from Peking University and has since become famous as a defender of the disenfranchised. He was in effect disbarred in June for organising a group of lawyers offering to defend Tibetan protesters arrested in the aftermath of March riots in Lhasa.
   
   Were it not for his principled defence of the downtrodden, Mr Teng would long ago have joined the ranks of China's burgeoning middle classes, who are demanding a legal system that adequately protects their property and individual rights.
   
   That legal system has undergone vast changes. The 82 pioneer law students in Mr Tao's class 30 years ago compare with 300,000 in more than 600 law schools today.
   
   But it remains ill-equipped to handle the increasing demands placed on it. In the past five years, Chinese courts ruled on nearly 32m cases, more than two-thirds of which were civil or economic cases brought by companies or individuals.
   
   The realities of living in a totalitarian statealso lend uncertainty to the legal system. Opportunities abound for powerful individuals to intervene, says He Weifeng, an outspoken legal professor at Peking University.
   
   "Actually, there is no real legal system in the western sense in China," he declares.
   
   Enforcement of existing legislation is often lax - something that becomes apparent when you compare China's excellent environmental laws with the reality outside the window or read the country's constitution, which guarantees all citizens freedom of religion, freedom of speech and freedom of political association.
   
   In criminal cases and high-profile civil cases, political interference is rife, while in smaller cases bribing judges and prosecutors is the norm.
   
   "The biggest problem with China's legal system is that politics and the law are not separate," says Mr Teng. "An independent judiciary is not possible under the current system because the law is regarded as a tool to serve the party."
   
   Every court includes a special Communist party committee with the power to overrule it in "political" cases. In smaller towns it is often headed by the local police chief, in effect making the court a subsidiary of the police department.
   
   Mr Tao argues those problems are mild compared with the aftermath of the Cultural Revolution, when he began his studies.
   
   When he landed at the new Peking University law school its very existence was a "state secret" and only children with suitably "red" backgrounds could attend. Most of his professors were just back from the countryside or labour camps, where they were sent during Mao Zedong's brutal anti-rightist campaign that virtually ended the legal profession in China in the late 1950s.
   
   After studying and practising law in France for years, Mr Tao returned in the early 1990s to what is now a thriving practice working for international companies seeking to invest in China.
   
   Since his return the legal profession has undergone another revolution. In the 1980s most judges were former civil servants or military officers who had never studied the law.By 2005, the last time the government released figures, just over half of China's judges held bachelor degrees or above, up from just 7 per cent a decade earlier.
   
   Mr Teng's path remains very different. From his tiny office on the outskirts of Beijing, he barely makes a living defending China's untouchables - Fa/ln G/ong practitioners, dissidents and organisers of non-stateapproved Christian churches. The government requires lawyers to renew their practice licences annually and often refuses to renew them for "troublemakers" such as Mr Teng.
   
   He is not just risking his career. During the March annual meeting of China's rubber-stamp parliament he was grabbed off the street, bundled into an unmarked car and hooded before being driven to an unknown location. There he was interrogated and threatened for two days before being returned to town.
   
   His assailants never identified themselves but Mr Teng suspects they were state security agents, as they repeatedly threatened to put him in prison if he continued to write articles criticising the government and legal system.
   
   But he remains undeterred. "I've paid a huge price for my work but not enough to make me quit yet," he says. "I have to continue because there are so few . . . lawyers who are willing to take these cases."

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