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BURMA-缅甸风云
·貌强:Free All Political Prisoners and Stop Killing Ethnic People!
·释放政治犯!停杀原住民!
·貌强:TOTAL A ETE TOTALEMENT REJETE
·貌强:以民主、人权、自决权为缅甸建国与办学基石
·貌强:'TOTAL was Totally Rejected'
·貌强补充一二,以飨欧洲华报读者
·貌强:Taiwan People Demand :
·台湾人民要求缅甸军政府:
·缅甸众土族力量2006年现状
·貌强:The situation of Burma’s Ethnic Nationalities in 2006
·貌强:Debts of blood Must Be Paid in Blood!
·貌强: 血债要血还!
·貌强:Keep Burma's Seat Vacant
·“缅甸文摘”社论:敬请空置缅甸席位
·貌强:都灵市缅甸策略研讨会
·貌强:Strategic Consultation on Burma in Turin
·貌强:Curent SPDC Offensive and our KNU Counter-attack
·缅甸军政府的攻势与我族我军的反击
·克伦族联盟主席在56届克伦族烈士节的讲话
·貌强:KNU President's Address on 56th Anniversary of Martyrs' Day
·貌强:第八届缅甸联邦民族委员会已选出
·钦民族战线代表团访问旅欧钦族社区
·缅甸各族青年联合行动团之声明
·有关国际法内的自决权
·貌强:UNPO’s Symposium on the Right to Self-determination in International Law
·对“国际法内的自决权”的我见
·Busdachin’s Speech on “Self-Determination Right in International Law”
·UNPO: UN Human Rights Council Briefed on Human Rights in Myanmar
·联合国文告:缅甸悲惨现状
·貌强:Busdachin’s Speech to VIII UNPO GA in Taiwan
·Why Waste Time and Procrastinate?
·UNPO秘书长在台北讲话
·2006年底缅甸联邦实况
·BURMA.UNPO: The Situation in Burma
·缅甸众土著在台北UNPO大会的声明
·漫谈钦族的过去与现在
·Burmese Junta Achieves 2 Things at One Stroke
·缅中边界军演一箭双雕
·UNPO: "Democracy Promotion: The European Way"
·促进民主的欧洲道路
·波米亚将军的革命一生
·貌强:Bo Mya’s Revolutional Life
·不干涉他国内政的中国
·貌强:Our Congratulations to Dr. Lian Hmung Sakhong
·廉萨空博士荣获“2007年马丁路德金奖”
·缅甸联邦民族联合政府成立16周年纪念文告
·廉萨空博士在马丁路德金奖授奖会上的讲话
·Lian Sakhong's Martin Luther King Prize Acceptance Lecture
·追忆1967年缅甸排华暴行
· Forum of Burmese in Europe 28-Jan-2007
·欧盟缅甸人论坛07年元月28日召开
·舌战独立掸国领袖 Hso Khan Pha
·缅甸钦区钦族钦新闻-1
·缅甸革命力量的第六次策略协商会议通报
·缅甸议会民主党致函中国外长
·缅甸民族委员会NCUB开设伦敦办公室
·2007年三八妇女节感言
·貌强:CNF Peace-Talks with the Burma’s Junta
·缅甸钦民族战线CNF与军政府和谈
·2007年春季缅甸局势
·欧盟东盟2007年会议对缅甸既援助也不满
·貌强:KACHINS PROTEST BURMA'S JUNTA BARBARISM
·克钦人民抗议缅甸政府军的兽行
·从缅甸建军节想起
·缅军以强奸土族妻女为战争手段
·貌强:Burma Rape Report Exposes Brutal Army
·KNU苏沙吉准将谈克伦族革命
·Saw Hsar Gay Talks about Karen History & KNU Revolution
·貌强苏沙吉准将续谈克伦革命(1)
·印度关闭缅甸Mizzima新闻社
·Mizzima News Office sealed off by Democratic India
·AEIOU 2008学年招生通告
·糖尿病民间验方
·心腦血管病的預防
·漫谈印欧语系
·2007年缅甸国内外微妙变化
·貌强:Harn Yawnghwe, EU, USA and Burma’s Junta
·从“Honsawatoi”亡国250年谈起
·缅甸孟族纪念“Hongsawatoi ”亡国250周年
·温教授问美国为何不出手
·缅甸封杀“缅甸华商商会”
·缅甸当局封杀百年华商社团
·貌强:Act Now or Regret Later with the Unholy Alliance
·缅甸已找台阶解除对华商社团的封杀
·论缅甸吴努政府与台湾阿扁政府
·缅甸众土族再三赴美寻求支持
·由印尼华人要人权民族权想起
·缅甸世道乱——坏人有好报
·社会主义“居者有其屋”
·丹瑞大将打坐差点走火入魔
·缅甸掸邦第一特区政府(果敢)网站与彭主席访谈
·缅甸丹瑞大将参禅新法:一念代万念
·中風救命法——针刺十指尖与两耳垂放血
·EWOB/AEIOU 的声明
·缅甸僧侣和平示威,丹瑞大将心乱如麻
·缅甸和平示威扩大,丹瑞家人领先逃亡
·反对无理威胁和平集会与游行
·缅甸民族委员会NCUB 对广大士兵的呼吁
·缅甸联邦民族委员会告人民书-3
·SDU’S STATEMENT ON RECENT SPDC’S CRACKDOWN/貌强
·SDU对军政府最近开枪镇压的声明
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Lian Sakhong's Martin Luther King Prize Acceptance Lecture

The Salemkyrkan, Stockholm, Sweden

   15 January 2007

   Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, and Dear Friends:

   When I was told that I had been awarded for the Martin Luther King Prize for 2007, I felt extremely honored. When I first heard from the chairperson of the Martin Luther King Prize, I was speechless because I could not believe what I was hearing. I certainly never expected such a prize for my involvement in this struggle. I am involved in this movement for just two reasons; first, it is to achieve for my country a free and open democratic system, which I think is often taken for granted here in Sweden.

   Second, I am involved in this process for what I view as the very survival of my birth community of the Chin people in Burma and by extension the survival of my own ethnicity and identity as well as the other oppressed ethnic nationalities of Burma. So, it seems to me that what I am doing in this struggle is quite personal: reflecting my believes and struggling to achieve in the political context of Burma where those believes and my ethnic identity are valued and respected for my generation and the future generations of the peoples of Burma. You can understand that I did not expect any prize for working on something that reflects so much of my personal values. And I would like to take this opportunity and express my gratitude that it is one of the great privileges of belonging now to Swedish society that I have the freedom and a means to work and struggle to achieve what is important to me and the Chin people. To be associated with a prize bearing the name of one of the persons I most admire is an honor beyond anything I could ever have imagined

   I must admit that I was quite delighted when I heard the name of Martin Luther King, who was one of my heroes since my university days in Rangoon. It also brought back many sweet memories of student life when we were young and dared to think and challenge almost everything under the Sun. Martin Luther King and Dietrich Bonhoeffer were the two theologians who inspired me personally, “daring in order to know” as they both taught us. Just before the fateful events of student-led uprising in 1988, I wrote a term paper at Theological Seminary comparing the non-violent strategy applied by Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Ethic of “Just War” applied by Dietrich Bonhoeffer. Both of them dared to challenge unjust laws, and both did not survive their struggle. In those days, my heart was a bit closer to Bonhoeffer; may be it was because of the fact that the regime of Nazi Germany was more similar to the military dictatorship in Burma. However, both of them are my inspiration; and both of them received their inspiration from the teachings of Jesus Christ, who proclaimed that

   The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he has anointed me to preach the good news to the poor.He has sent me to proclaim freedom for the prisoners,And recovery of sight for the blind, and released the oppressed.

   Since I joined the movement, I have written many letters and statements calling for the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners in Burma but not to avail. Since the popular uprising in 1988, the entire people of Burma “are the prisoners in our own house”, as Aung San Suu Kyi said. Burma under this military regime is just like a blind man who lost his sight intentionally, for it was covered by absolute darkness with extremely negative attitude. And there are millions of oppressed to be released. This is what our struggle is all about.

   In this struggle, we are fighting for freedom, justice, peace and fundamental human rights. We want “freedom from fear” because we live our lives under this military regime in constant fear. We want “freedom of expression” because freedom of expression is a huge crime under military dictatorship. We have over one thousand political prisoners in Burma, who committed no crime but daring to express their free will. We want “freedom from want” because the peoples of Burma are destitute living under extreme conditions of impoverishment, hunger and disease without remedy in the land that used to be known as the “rice bowl of Asia”.

   We want “peace” because the regime in Burma has been at war with its own people for more than five long decades. Yes, we want peace but the peace that we want is not just in terms of the absence of conflict but in terms of the presence of justice.

   We want “justice” because there is no such thing as the rule of law under a military dictatorship. Martial Law, according to General Saw Maung, is no law at all but the use of force. In today’s Burma, law and order exist not for protecting its people but for sustaining dictators in power. We want basic “human rights” because human rights abuses have become part of the political system in the so-called “law and order restoration”, as the military junta used to call itself the “State Law and Order Restoration Council”.

   Finally, we want to live with human dignity because when all kinds of rights are abused people lose their dignity, integrity and identity. And what we want is to live just like a human being who is the image of God. So, our struggle is a struggle to be an authentic human being again.

   Our struggle is not just for changing the government in Rangoon, or in Naypidaw, but for restructuring the country into a Democratic Federal Union as it was agreed by General Aung San and ethnic national leaders in 1947 at the Panglong Conference, when the Union of Burma was founded at the first place. The root cause of political crisis in Burma is not just ideological confrontation between military dictatorship and democracy; it also involves constitutional problems rooted in the denial of the rights of self-determination for ethnic nationalities who joined the Union as equal partners according to the Panglong Agreement. The only solution for political crisis in Burma, in our view, is to establish a genuine Federal Union of Burma, which will guarantee the fundamental rights for all citizens of the Union, political equality for all ethnic nationalities, and the right of self-determination for all member states of the Union within federal arrangement.

   In this struggle, we also challenge the notion of “nation-building” in which the concept of “nation” is blended with “one ethnicity, one language, and one religion”. As such, nation-building belongs to what social scientists call “subjective values”, that is, culture, language, religion, ethnicity, homeland, shared memories and history, etc., which differentiate one group of people from another­values that cannot be shared objectively between different peoples. From its process, the very notion of “nation-building” excludes other ethnic groups, cultures, religions and everything related to multiculturalism and diversity. Thus, by accepting only one homogeneous set of cultural and religious values as its political values, the process of nation-building can produce only a nation-state made by a homogeneous people or nation that claims pre-state unity based on culture, history or religion. As a result, a nation-state made by a nation through the nation-building process cannot accommodate other cultures, religions and ethnic groups. What it can do at best is it can tolerate non-integrated minorities as guests, but not as equal citizens. The status of fully recognized citizen can be attained only by integration.

   In such circumstances, minority groups have only “either-or” choice: either integrating within the majority culture after paying a big price of destroying their original cultural roots, or resisting integration but after paying a big price of being denied the opportunity to enhance their cultural identity through political means. In both cases, minority groups must pay a big price because the only choice for them is between assimilation and resistance. Assimilation in such situation is nothing but ethnic and cultural extinction, and resistance can be anything in between life and death. Thus, it is obvious that the nation-building process is impossible to implement in a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural, multi-religious plural society like the Union of Burma. The only way to implement the nation-building process in a plural society is to use coercive force for assimilation. However, using force for ethnic assimilation will definitely be resulted in confrontation and conflict, because the very notion of nation-building is hostile to multiculturalism and diversity. Unfortunately, this conflict is exactly what is happening in Burma during the past fifty years.

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