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郭国汀律师专栏
·答草兄及建强兄质疑
·答张鹤慈先生质疑
·刘荻为何害怕这篇文章? 中国知识分子死了!
·郭国汀答小乔函
***(49)重大人权案件辩护
·民运英雄杨天水危在旦夕
·强烈谴责中共暴政企图暗杀冯正虎先生的流氓下三滥作为!
·关注声援支持人权律师刘士辉,强烈抗议流氓暴政的政治迫害人权律师!
·呼吁全球华人关注支持民族英雄郭泉博士
·真正的知识分子英雄郭泉博士
·决不以出卖灵魂出卖人格尊严为代价打官司
·严正警告流氓无赖中共匪帮
·南郭警告胡锦涛别再玩火!
·强烈谴责中共暴政枉法滥捕自由作家谭作人先生
·胡锦涛最害怕最恨谁?
·为申曦(曾节明)作证的证明函
·论颠覆及煽动颠覆国家政权罪
·颠覆国家政权罪的法理解析
·中共阉法院认定的颠覆国家政权案件"犯罪事实"简析
·关注声援支持中国知识分子英雄郭泉博士
·我为郭泉博士抗辩
·敬请各界朋友关注声援支持民主斗士郭泉教授
·郭国汀律师称中共颠覆(煽动颠覆)国家政权罪系违宪恶法
·烈女邓玉娇传记六则
·“法学专家”是因“理性”还是因“奴性”而胡说八道?!
·强烈谴责胡锦涛及中共专制暴政枉法杀害英雄义士杨佳!
·杨佳精神不朽 抗暴当走退党之路
·岂能将英雄义士杨佳与希特勒、哈尔曼、唐永明相提并论?!
·杨佳案7名涉案警察证人和杨佳的母亲必须出庭作证
·郭国汀预言死刑将造就更多杨佳
·杨佳略传六则一揽
·悼颂杨佳
·杨佳依自然法无罪而且是个值得国人敬重的英雄!
·郭国汀再谈杨佳案的辩护
·郭国汀律师的臭文
·正义、尊严、公道与犯罪----杨佳有罪吗?
·敬请关注声援失踪的律师英雄张鉴康
·强烈谴责中共胡氏当局非法剥夺人权律师张鉴康的执业权
·坚决支持李国涛先生的义举,反对极权专制独裁政治!
·严正责令胡锦涛及中共当局——立即无条件释放民运志士李国涛!
·强烈谴责中共恶意迫害自由战士杨天水、许万平/郭国汀
·强烈谴责中共流氓暴政政治迫害冯正虎先生
·历史耻辱柱上的中国法官
·中国律师受迫害的根源何在?-—声援支持高智晟律师
·良知律师朱久虎被刑拘突显中国司法制度的流氓化/郭国汀
·闻小乔遭警方驱逐毒打有感
·强烈谴责中共专制暴政纵容黑社会暴力侵袭郭飞雄先生的暴行!
·敬请各界朋友们关注声援支持正在为全民族承受无边苦难的英雄郭飞雄
·郭国汀敦促胡锦涛立即无条件释放人权英雄郭飞雄、高智晟的公开函
·强烈谴责上海市当局非法拘禁李剑虹 郭国汀
·专制流氓暴政本质的再暴露——强烈谴责中共流氓黑社会企图暗杀高智晟律师
·严正责令胡锦涛立即无条件释放朱宇飙律师!
·评论严正责令胡锦涛立即无条件释放朱宇飙律师!
·强烈谴责中共专制暴政迫害人权律师杨在新!
·强烈谴责胡氏专制暴政滥施淫威迫害当代中国最高贵的人吕耿松
·中共专制暴政再次公然指鹿为马!——我为陈树庆先生抗辩
·强烈谴责中共流氓专制暴政悍然施暴人权律师李和平!
·谁是精神病?!敬请关注自由思想者贺伟华先生
·郭国汀敬请全球华人关注自由思想者贺伟华
·强烈谴责胡氏专制暴政对中国知识分子的政治迫害!---我为荆楚抗辩
·严正警告胡锦涛:立即无条件释放高智晟律师!
·郭国汀谈胡佳案
·恶法不除,国无宁日/郭国汀
·严正学先生何罪之有!
·中国涉外案件没有一起获得执行 郭国汀
***(50)坎坷人权律师路
·郭国汀致中国律师网全体新老网友的公开函
·成为一名人权律师!---郭国汀律师专访
·令我热泪横流的小诗 郭国汀
·无知缺德者当权必然造成人为灾难--正视科学尊重科学
·我们要说真话-答红旗生的蛋 郭国汀
·出身论,成份论应当休矣!
·民族败类!你是否中国人?
·说句心里话
·孔子当然伟大.郭国汀
·时代不同了! 郭国汀
·可敬的国安公安或网警请自重!
·我们决不再沉默! 郭国汀
·秋池君倡议创立中共中国律师网上支部有感/南郭
·我有罪,我可以再作一次自我辩护吗?
·错兄你该醒醒了!
·给某北大高材生的公开函
·答"语文大师"之指责
·答错别字的终结者/南郭
·吾不同意你的观点,但捍卫阁下的自由表达权。错兄的贴还是应当保留
·答龙吟君/南郭
·答紫兄质疑/南郭
·答醉翁
·答迷风先生/南郭
·驳上海当局特务造谣抵毁郭国汀律师的谎言/南郭
·答紫兄质疑/南郭
·吾不同意你的观点,但坚决捍卫阁下的自由表达权。
·郭国汀:我向错兄致歉--同时为错兄说句公道话
·我的观点与立场--驳非法入侵
·郭国汀 汝吹牛!
·南郭不但会骂人而且必将把“乡愿,德之贼”型的小人骂得狗血喷头!
·纯属多余的担忧
·伟大的中华文明博大精深的中华文化---答孟庆强
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宣战演讲名篇

南郭点评:伍德罗总统的这篇宣战演讲十分精彩。当对手完全丧失人性,不顾法律道德原则,无视公约义务,以无赖流氓手段对付他国或人民时,任何国家或人民皆有权为自由正义而战,因为权利比和平更重要。
   当今中共流氓政权同样抛弃了一切正义、公道、法律、道德原则,沦落为主要依赖暴力强权欺骗流氓黑社会法西斯手段的强权反人类的专制暴政。因此,中国人民完全有权起义反抗推翻暴政;正义自由必将最终战胜非正义与奴役。
   伍德罗总统指出:“我們沒有什麽私利可圖。我們不想要征服,不想要統治。我們不爲自己索取賠償,對我們將慷慨作出的犧牲不求物質補償。我們只不過是爲人類權利而戰的鬥士之一”。客观地说,美国自立国以降,一直奉行该价值观,为维护世界和平与安全,促进世界各国走向民主自由,维护人类的尊严作出了最伟大的贡献;她从未侵略任何国家也未侵占任何国家的领土。无论是第一次世界大战,还是第二次世界大战,朝鲜战争,越南战争,两次海湾战争以及伊拉克解放战争,美国人民实际上始终站在正义与自由一边。这个世界不能没有美国,如果没有伟大的美国人民捍卫民主自由正义公道的巨大奉献牺牲,这个世界早已面目全非。今天全球有120个以上国家和地区已经实现了民主自由政体,但仍有45个国家处于专制极权独裁暴政奴役之下。然而暴政必定灭亡,因为没有人民喜欢暴政而拒绝民主自由;因为没有人民欢喜奴役与专制;因为自由、公道与正义是上帝的本意。凡与人民为敌,悖上帝旨意,弃真理于不顾,践踏法律,毁灭道德,反人类的任何政权,无论其如何强大,也不论其如何得呈一时,更不用说其欺天悖理叛道,没有任何理由永世长存!

   该篇宣战宣言充分体现了美国人民爱好和平自由与权利公道正义的价值观,其论述说理充分令人信服,当之无愧地成为最佳演讲历史名篇。
   Woodrow Wilson Asking Congress to Declare War on Germany
   In this speech before a joint session of Congress, President Woodrow Wilson called for a declaration of war against Germany, bringing the U.S. into World War I about two years after the war had begun.
   I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making.
   On the third of last February, I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean. That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats. The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom: without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, have been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle. I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by any government that had hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world.... This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world. I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of noncombatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be. The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind.
   It is a war against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been no discrimination. The challenge is to all mankind. Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and a temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion.
   When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all. The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modern publicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armed neutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual: it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our Nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs; they cut to the very roots of human life.
   With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the government and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it, and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war.

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