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郭国汀律师专栏
·互联网自由度的测定方法
·自由之家2008年中国互联网自由检测报告:不自由
·互联网自由日益增长的各种威胁
·国际互联网自由调查团队
·国际互联网自由评价词汇表
·国际互联网自由评价表格和图示
·国际互联网自由评价目录
·古巴互联网自由评价
·伊朗互联网自由评价
·突尼斯互联网自由评价
·俄国互联网自由评价
·马来西亚互联网自由评价
·土耳其互联网自由评定
·肯尼亚互联网自由评价
·埃及互联网自由评价
·印度互联网自由评价
·乔治亚互联网自由评价
·南非互联网自由评价
·巴西互联网自由评价
·英国互联网自由评定
·全球最自由的爱莎尼亚互联网自由评价
***(22)《仗剑走天涯》郭国汀著
·我的真实心声
·面对十八层地狱,我的真情告白 /南郭 网友评论
·《仗剑微言—我的四十自述>
·相信生命—郭国汀律师印象
·赵国君 做一名人权律师——访郭国汀律师
·申请任专兼职教授与评审一级律师的故事
·志当存高远-我的理想与追求/南郭
·我的知识结构与思想/南郭
·汝凭什么任教授?!/郭国汀
·我们决不再沉默! 郭国汀
·郭国汀:正义者永不孤单
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·法律人的历史使命---郭国汀答《北大法律人》主编采访录
·法律人的历史使命 网友评论
·如何成为一名伟大的,优秀的法律人?
·如何成为一名伟大的律师?网友评论
·为当代中国人的幸福而努力奋斗
·我的告别书—再见中国律师网
·勇敢地参政议政吧 中国律师!
***(23)《郭国汀自传》郭国汀著
·《郭国汀自传》第一章:阴错际差(1)
·《郭国汀自传》第二章:灭顶之灾
·《郭国汀自传》第三章:奋力拚搏
·《郭国汀自传》第四章:东山再起
·《郭国汀自传》第五章:山重水复
·《郭国汀自传》第六章:永恒的中国心
·郭国汀致海内外全体中国网民的公开函
·极好之网站-天易综合网
·天易论坛宣言—天道至大,易道天成
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·请广西网友立即转告陈西上诉
·就朱镕基与法轮功答疑似五毛党徒古镜质疑
·马克思最大的缺陷之一是其根本不了解人的本性
·南郭谈论习近平
·南郭谈论习近平秘信
·马克思恩格斯列宁之无产阶级专政辩析
·轮流强暴马恩之恶果——“无产阶级专政”
·郭律师就民运英友张林之女安妮被非法剥夺入学权事致习近平/李克强公开函
·郭国汀:批驳体制内文人俞可平严重误导国人的谬论
·父权政治公民政治及专制政治
·什么是我们为之奋斗牺牲的正义和自由?
·什么是自由主义?新自由主义?改革自由主义?
·《匪首毛泽东》20.野心恶性膨胀的邪恶致极的毛泽东
·中共政权的性质与现状
·Politics and truth
·Justice and pursuit of truth
·God and modern politics
·Why Federalism?Dose Federal system better to protect minority rights?
·Injustice as the root of terrorism: Social political and economic fact
·列宁之“无产阶级专政”批判
·ompare Analysisof Marx and Lenin’s Theory of the Dictatorship of the
·我的坎坷律师生涯(9):孤独的长跑者
·《我的坎坷律师生涯《我的坎坷律师生涯》(7):知青岁月》(7):知青岁月
·有关圣经翻译的若干问题
·郭国汀:论爱情
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·论质、量互变关系
·学习与开放
·无产阶级领袖有感
·无产阶级领袖的重大作用
·勇敢地参政议政吧!中国律师们!
·郭国汀:从 “中国律师人”说开去
·中國律師朋友們幸福不會從天降
·律師的文學功底
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USA Constitution is in grave danger


   Al Gore speech on abuses of our Democracy by Bush
   Transcript: Al Gore On the Limits of Executive Power
   Monday, 16 January 2006

   by Al Gore
   Remarks as prepared
   Congressman Barr and I have disagreed many times over the years, but we have joined together today with thousands of our fellow citizens-Democrats and Republicans alike-to express our shared concern that America’s Constitution is in grave danger.
   In spite of our differences over ideology and politics, we are in strong agreement that the American values we hold most dear have been placed at serious risk by the unprecedented claims of the Administration to a truly breathtaking expansion of executive power.
   As we begin this new year, the Executive Branch of our government has been caught eavesdropping on huge numbers of American citizens and has brazenly declared that it has the unilateral right to continue without regard to the established law enacted by Congress to prevent such abuses.
   It is imperative that respect for the rule of law be restored.
   So, many of us have come here to Constitution Hall to sound an alarm and call upon our fellow citizens to put aside partisan differences and join with us in demanding that our Constitution be defended and preserved.
   It is appropriate that we make this appeal on the day our nation has set aside to honor the life and legacy of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., who challenged America to breathe new life into our oldest values by extending its promise to all our people.
   On this particular Martin Luther King Day, it is especially important to recall that for the last several years of his life, Dr. King was illegally wiretapped-one of hundreds of thousands of Americans whose private communications were intercepted by the U.S. government during this period.
   The FBI privately called King the “most dangerous and effective negro leader in the country” and vowed to “take him off his pedestal.” The government even attempted to destroy his marriage and blackmail him into committing suicide.
   This campaign continued until Dr. King’s murder. The discovery that the FBI conducted a long-running and extensive campaign of secret electronic surveillance designed to infiltrate the inner workings of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, and to learn the most intimate details of Dr. King’s life, helped to convince Congress to enact restrictions on wiretapping.
   The result was the Foreign Intelligence and Surveillance Act (FISA), which was enacted expressly to ensure that foreign intelligence surveillance would be presented to an impartial judge to verify that there is a sufficient cause for the surveillance. I voted for that law during my first term in Congress and for almost thirty years the system has proven a workable and valued means of according a level of protection for private citizens, while permitting foreign surveillance to continue.
   Yet, just one month ago, Americans awoke to the shocking news that in spite of this long settled law, the Executive Branch has been secretly spying on large numbers of Americans for the last four years and eavesdropping on “large volumes of telephone calls, e-mail messages, and other Internet traffic inside the United States.” The New York Times reported that the President decided to launch this massive eavesdropping program “without search warrants or any new laws that would permit such domestic intelligence collection.”
   During the period when this eavesdropping was still secret, the President went out of his way to reassure the American people on more than one occasion that, of course, judicial permission is required for any government spying on American citizens and that, of course, these constitutional safeguards were still in place.
   But surprisingly, the President’s soothing statements turned out to be false. Moreover, as soon as this massive domestic spying program was uncovered by the press, the President not only confirmed that the story was true, but also declared that he has no intention of bringing these wholesale invasions of privacy to an end.
   At present, we still have much to learn about the NSA’s domestic surveillance. What we do know about this pervasive wiretapping virtually compels the conclusion that the President of the United States has been breaking the law repeatedly and persistently.
   A president who breaks the law is a threat to the very structure of our government. Our Founding Fathers were adamant that they had established a government of laws and not men. Indeed, they recognized that the structure of government they had enshrined in our Constitution - our system of checks and balances - was designed with a central purpose of ensuring that it would govern through the rule of law. As John Adams said: “The executive shall never exercise the legislative and judicial powers, or either of them, to the end that it may be a government of laws and not of men.”
   An executive who arrogates to himself the power to ignore the legitimate legislative directives of the Congress or to act free of the check of the judiciary becomes the central threat that the Founders sought to nullify in the Constitution - an all-powerful executive too reminiscent of the King from whom they had broken free. In the words of James Madison, “the accumulation of all powers, legislative, executive, and judiciary, in the same hands, whether of one, a few, or many, and whether hereditary, self-appointed, or elective, may justly be pronounced the very definition of tyranny.”
   Thomas Paine, whose pamphlet, “On Common Sense” ignited the American Revolution, succinctly described America’s alternative. Here, he said, we intended to make certain that “the law is king.”
   Vigilant adherence to the rule of law strengthens our democracy and strengthens America. It ensures that those who govern us operate within our constitutional structure, which means that our democratic institutions play their indispensable role in shaping policy and determining the direction of our nation. It means that the people of this nation ultimately determine its course and not executive officials operating in secret without constraint.
   The rule of law makes us stronger by ensuring that decisions will be tested, studied, reviewed and examined through the processes of government that are designed to improve policy. And the knowledge that they will be reviewed prevents over-reaching and checks the accretion of power.
   A commitment to openness, truthfulness and accountability also helps our country avoid many serious mistakes. Recently, for example, we learned from recently classified declassified documents that the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, which authorized the tragic Vietnam war, was actually based on false information. We now know that the decision by Congress to authorize the Iraq War, 38 years later, was also based on false information. America would have been better off knowing the truth and avoiding both of these colossal mistakes in our history. Following the rule of law makes us safer, not more vulnerable.
   The President and I agree on one thing. The threat from terrorism is all too real. There is simply no question that we continue to face new challenges in the wake of the attack on September 11th and that we must be ever-vigilant in protecting our citizens from harm.
   Where we disagree is that we have to break the law or sacrifice our system of government to protect Americans from terrorism. In fact, doing so makes us weaker and more vulnerable.
   Once violated, the rule of law is in danger. Unless stopped, lawlessness grows. The greater the power of the executive grows, the more difficult it becomes for the other branches to perform their constitutional roles. As the executive acts outside its constitutionally prescribed role and is able to control access to information that would expose its actions, it becomes increasingly difficult for the other branches to police it. Once that ability is lost, democracy itself is threatened and we become a government of men and not laws.

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