政党社团之声
[发表评论] [查看此文评论]    BURMA-缅甸风云
[主页]->[政党社团之声]->[BURMA-缅甸风云]->[貌强:Busdachin’s Speech to VIII UNPO GA in Taiwan ]
BURMA-缅甸风云
·掸邦进步党成立41周年纪念
·缅甸2012年五大民主服务奖章得主
·缅甸联邦众土族在泰缅边境开会
·缅甸联邦众土族开会声明
·掸邦众族民主联盟主席昆吞武赴美领奖
·美国之音访问掸邦民主联盟主席昆吞武
·缅甸有了选举就成真正民主国家吗?
·赛万赛点评昂山素姬与吴登盛总统
·温教授点评昂山素姬与吴登盛总统
·廉萨空博士回缅甸参加研讨会
·赛万赛谈缅族缅邦一分为七
·鲍彤吁温总出面澄清家族财富
·缅甸若开邦又爆发新暴力冲突
·温教授痛斥大缅族主义祸国殃民
·从外援谈到非缅族众原住民的权益
·转基因与新瘟疫SARS
·中国缅甸油气管道
·美国逼中国在其中国近海包围圈开战
·缅甸南传佛教禅修法
· 中华民族复兴的四大步骤
·昂山素姬面对“中國問題”严厉考验
·未来20年两大权力转移
·马英九与昂山素姬关心刘晓波
·莫言的自述与诺贝尔委员会的评价
·襄助缅甸,中国能比美国做得更多
·神州边防武警见义勇为,海外炎黄子孙惊喜交集
·缅甸非政府众组织反对中缅油气管道与深水港
·震惊大陆法庭的法轮功辩护词
·諾貝獎得主134人聯名要求釋放劉曉波
·勿忘邓小平上世纪末10点警告
·缺维生素B2易患痔疮溃疡肿瘤癌症
·让戒定慧佛光普照缅甸大地
·热烈欢呼粟秀玉老师荣获缅甸佛学奖!
·2013年初谈缅甸缅甸人中国中国人
·缅甸中国必须互利双赢
·缅甸卑谬世界文化遗产一日游
·骠族老同学谈眼皮下缅甸红尘
·骠族老同学谈眼皮下缅甸红尘!
·缅甸政府与众少数民族半世纪内战复燃
·中缅边境军民要以正视听
·缅甸蒲甘世界文化遗产一日游(1)
·缅甸中国边民有话说
·缅甸蒲甘世界文化遗产一日游(续1)
·绝密档案 招标中标 鸡的屁
·少吃长寿送煤气炉
·缅甸海归谈缅甸中国关系
·昂山素姬弃美投华?
·铜矿村民愤概昂山素姬调查报告
·缅甸斗士海归责怪昂山素姬
·独裁观察家点评昂山素姬
·缅甸评论家奉劝昂山素姬
·于建嵘与柴静的中国梦
·美国反式脂肪与中国粮油食品奶粉
·缅甸会成卢旺达第二吗?
·中国贪官与美国梦
·诺奖得主的健康长寿秘诀
·古人的劳逸养生与食疗
·中国摩登僧尼与时俱进
·中华五千年文明遗产馆
·吴内昂谈缅甸2008年宪法与人权
·与中国渐行渐远的缅甸
·为老外所描述的中国人而痛哭
·科学地话说杨桃
·中国人为何多会早死
·奥巴马应赦免斯诺登
·推荐斯诺登为诺贝尔和平奖候选人!
·习近平贺马英九当选国民党主席
·旅美华人谈美国生活和房价
·经济动物在英国皇家音乐厅表演
·中缅天然气管道开始向中国通气了!
·建滇缅公路为中印经济走廊
·赛万赛谈和平奋斗建真正缅甸联邦
·江山易改?本性难移?
·赛万赛谈缅甸宪法危机
·奥巴马力挺缅甸金宫寺
·赛万赛谈2013年缅甸和解进程
·温教授谈1947年彬龙协议
·公说公有理,婆说婆有理
·公说公有理,婆说婆有理(续1)
·南中精神照耀伊江莱茵河
·危害健康的加工食品与铝锅
·中国缅甸瑞苗胞波
·缅甸该学中国哪些?
·给参加2000论坛的昂山素姬一封信
·赛万赛谈缅甸全国内战停火
·携手平等合作,互利双赢共富共荣
·江西省四日游
·慟神州老少抢位打架
·从奥巴马竖毛泽东铜像谈起
·小乘、大乘、密教、喇嘛、达赖
·惊喜祖籍国与时俱进
·台湾民主基金会颁奖给缅甸克伦族人权小组
·天朝土豪游客天上来
·丑陋的 Chinese 败类
·天朝富豪精英傲翔天上
·缅甸中国健康饮食须知
·掸复委掸邦军姚色克说要退位
·中国人质素比上不足比下有余
·美国不像东南亚种族歧视与偏见
·从中国古今13尊大佛说起
·2014年初缅甸纵横谈
[列出本栏目所有内容]
欢迎在此做广告
貌强:Busdachin’s Speech to VIII UNPO GA in Taiwan

The following speech was delivered by UNPO General Secretary, Marino Busdachin, to the Opening of the VIII UNPO General Assembly, 27 October 2006, Taipei, Taiwan:

   =======

   Unrepresented Nations and Peoples OrganizationVIII General Assembly 27 – 29 October, 2006Taipei, Taiwan Honourable Members of the Government and the Parliament of Taiwan,

   Distinguished Representative of the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy,

   Distinguished Delegates of UNPO Members,

   Ladies and Gentlemen,

   First of all, on behalf of the 63 Members of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization, and so in the name of more than 200 million people, I would like to convey my gratitude to you all for honouring me with your distinguished presence and with your remarkable contributions to the VIII General Assembly of our organisation.

   Thank you also for your warm and generous welcome. It was both more than I deserve, and, if I am honest, more than I am used to.

   This day, here in Taipei, will forever be an important date for UNPO, marking the departure point for all future growth and achievements.

   It is not by chance that UNPO made the choice, more than a year ago, to make this moment here in Taiwan. UNPO is here today to give support to the fundamental and inalienable right of Taiwan to Freedom, to Democracy, and to Self-Determination.

   Taiwanese Identity and Taiwanese Democracy have become intertwined and inseparable, a true treasure for every individual and citizen of Taiwan.Allow me to be direct for a moment. It is difficult to see how far the Chinese and Taiwanese governments might travel along the path of reconciliation over the next few years.

   Nevertheless, small steps of progress might always promise hope. These include enhanced cross-strait economic and personnel exchanges, improving the atmosphere somewhat and so maintaining tensions under control. Perhaps there is hope even for a resumption and revival of cross-strait dialogue in a region that remains dangerous.

   The anti-secession law, passed in March 2005, is among the recent PRC pronouncements that have indicated a firm stance on the question of independence, but with small signs of flexibility in relation to other cross-strait issues.

   Notably, though ultimately enacting the law, President Hu Jintao is said to have moved away from considerations of a definite time-table for reunification, a concept much discussed under Jiang Zemin.

   Meanwhile, Chinese leaders also have warned that possible constitutional changes, affirming Taiwan’s permanent independence, would be interpreted as a cause for war.

   The push towards reforms strengthening Taiwan’s status as a separate an independent country, led by President Chen, has been driven by a mix of factors. These include internal political and democratic dynamics, and the undeniable growing public sense of a separate national identity.

   Taiwan’s leaders and Taiwan’s citizens believe Taiwan’s formidable democratic accomplishments entitle it to a legitimate standing in the international community.

   Current circumstances provide important assurances that cross-strait tensions can be kept within bounds, staving off the threat of military conflict and confrontation until the end of President Chen’s term in 2008. The Chinese leadership, whilst flexible on some issues, remains ultimately constrained by strong nationalism and undemocratic policies.

   Political experts and analysts continue to debate whether China is undergoing a democratic transition or not. They have never stopped to ask whether the glass is half full or half empty. Let me say that the glass remains dry, and completely empty.

   However, there are possibilities for progress and smaller steps, including enhanced exchanges, an improved atmosphere, and perhaps a revival of formal cross-strait dialogues.

   Nevertheless, misunderstandings and miscalculations still stand poised to lead to an uncertainty and dangerous situations.

   China’s fear is today that self-determination could become the new norm of international relations. China has feared that the doctrine of “humanitarian interventionism” might supplant the doctrine of state sovereignty. Since 9/11, the international war against terrorism has firmly re-established state sovereignty as the predominant principle of international relations.

   China has exploited this war against terrorism in order to justify its repression of East Turkestan, Tibet, and Inner Mongolia, and in order to soften the criticisms and protests of the International Community. This is particularly true of its policy against Taiwan.

   Policy has confirmed China’s status as a military giant, and a rapidly growing economic power, but it remains, unfortunately, a political midget.

   In the last years China has become much closer to European and EU policy. We must ask whether the EU policy towards China is adequate and effective. Must Europe lift the EU Arms Embargo? I think not.

   How can the European Parliament’s Resolution on democratisation and the respect for Human Rights in China be implemented?

   In this respect, the question of the participation and representation of the democratic State of Taiwan at the UN remains unresolved. It represents the unjust exclusion of Taiwan’s governmental agencies, civil society organisations, as well as individuals, from the activities of the UN and its related bodies, de facto depriving the people of Taiwan of their fundamental right to benefit from and contribute to the duties of the UN.

   Considering the important role played by Taiwan in several international organisations, notably the World Trade Organisation (WTO), the Asian Development Bank (ADB), and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), as well as its full diplomatic relations with 23 UN Member States, including 120 embassies, general consulates and representative offices worldwide, Taiwan’s efficiency, democratic ideals and dynamism should be beyond question.

   Taiwan’s long-standing commitment to the UN principles, the UN Charter, international law and their substantial cooperation within the International Community as a responsible global citizen, warrants substantial consideration by all UN Member States.

   UNPO considers the time ripe to call for justice and equal rights, and to end the conventio ad exludendum of Taiwan and its people from the United Nations.

   Finally, and in closing, let me also once again express my gratitude to the Right Honourable Ken-Marti Vaher, former minister of Justice of Estonia, and present here today to remind us all of that UNPO was born as an idea in Estonia in the summer of 1990.

   The Cold War still raged on, the Soviet Empire had not yet collapsed.This was a different, older world, another millennium.

   We stand here today, ready to launch a new UNPO, able and ready to face the challenges of the new world order that has yet to come.

   And if our spirits are right, and our courage firm, the new world will be with us.

   (Mr. Marino Busdachin: appointed as Executive Director in 2003, unanimously elected as UNPO General Secretary in 2005, served as UN representative in Geneva, New York and Vienna 1995-2000, member of the Extra-ordinary Executive Board of the Transnational Radical Party 2000-2002, currently a member of the General Council of TRP. founded the NGO “Non c’e’ Pace Senza Giustizia” in Italy 1994-1999, as well as founding and serving as President of No Peace Without Justice USA 1995-2000, campaigned for the establishment of the International Criminal Court, represented Civil Society at the Rome Conference founding ICC. Worked to establish the ad hoc tribunals on war crimes in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda and campaign on the death penalty in the United Nations from USA in 1993, led the TRP to recognition by the UN as an NGO of the first category, led and coordinated the TRP in the former Yugoslavia 1991-1993 and in the Soviet Union 1989-1993, campaigned for civil rights in Italy in the 1980s, elected in 1974 as a member of the Federal Council of the Radical Party, between 1978-1982 elected member of the City Council of Trieste, where he attended Law University ) .

[下一页]

©Boxun News Network All Rights Reserved.
所有栏目和文章由作者或专栏管理员整理制作,均不代表博讯立场