貌强：Busdachin’s Speech to VIII UNPO GA in Taiwan
The following speech was delivered by UNPO General Secretary, Marino Busdachin, to the Opening of the VIII UNPO General Assembly, 27 October 2006, Taipei, Taiwan:
Unrepresented Nations and Peoples OrganizationVIII General Assembly 27 – 29 October, 2006Taipei, Taiwan Honourable Members of the Government and the Parliament of Taiwan,
Distinguished Representative of the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy,
Distinguished Delegates of UNPO Members,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
First of all, on behalf of the 63 Members of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization, and so in the name of more than 200 million people, I would like to convey my gratitude to you all for honouring me with your distinguished presence and with your remarkable contributions to the VIII General Assembly of our organisation.
Thank you also for your warm and generous welcome. It was both more than I deserve, and, if I am honest, more than I am used to.
This day, here in Taipei, will forever be an important date for UNPO, marking the departure point for all future growth and achievements.
It is not by chance that UNPO made the choice, more than a year ago, to make this moment here in Taiwan. UNPO is here today to give support to the fundamental and inalienable right of Taiwan to Freedom, to Democracy, and to Self-Determination.
Taiwanese Identity and Taiwanese Democracy have become intertwined and inseparable, a true treasure for every individual and citizen of Taiwan.Allow me to be direct for a moment. It is difficult to see how far the Chinese and Taiwanese governments might travel along the path of reconciliation over the next few years.
Nevertheless, small steps of progress might always promise hope. These include enhanced cross-strait economic and personnel exchanges, improving the atmosphere somewhat and so maintaining tensions under control. Perhaps there is hope even for a resumption and revival of cross-strait dialogue in a region that remains dangerous.
The anti-secession law, passed in March 2005, is among the recent PRC pronouncements that have indicated a firm stance on the question of independence, but with small signs of flexibility in relation to other cross-strait issues.
Notably, though ultimately enacting the law, President Hu Jintao is said to have moved away from considerations of a definite time-table for reunification, a concept much discussed under Jiang Zemin.
Meanwhile, Chinese leaders also have warned that possible constitutional changes, affirming Taiwan’s permanent independence, would be interpreted as a cause for war.
The push towards reforms strengthening Taiwan’s status as a separate an independent country, led by President Chen, has been driven by a mix of factors. These include internal political and democratic dynamics, and the undeniable growing public sense of a separate national identity.
Taiwan’s leaders and Taiwan’s citizens believe Taiwan’s formidable democratic accomplishments entitle it to a legitimate standing in the international community.
Current circumstances provide important assurances that cross-strait tensions can be kept within bounds, staving off the threat of military conflict and confrontation until the end of President Chen’s term in 2008. The Chinese leadership, whilst flexible on some issues, remains ultimately constrained by strong nationalism and undemocratic policies.
Political experts and analysts continue to debate whether China is undergoing a democratic transition or not. They have never stopped to ask whether the glass is half full or half empty. Let me say that the glass remains dry, and completely empty.
However, there are possibilities for progress and smaller steps, including enhanced exchanges, an improved atmosphere, and perhaps a revival of formal cross-strait dialogues.
Nevertheless, misunderstandings and miscalculations still stand poised to lead to an uncertainty and dangerous situations.
China’s fear is today that self-determination could become the new norm of international relations. China has feared that the doctrine of “humanitarian interventionism” might supplant the doctrine of state sovereignty. Since 9/11, the international war against terrorism has firmly re-established state sovereignty as the predominant principle of international relations.
China has exploited this war against terrorism in order to justify its repression of East Turkestan, Tibet, and Inner Mongolia, and in order to soften the criticisms and protests of the International Community. This is particularly true of its policy against Taiwan.
Policy has confirmed China’s status as a military giant, and a rapidly growing economic power, but it remains, unfortunately, a political midget.
In the last years China has become much closer to European and EU policy. We must ask whether the EU policy towards China is adequate and effective. Must Europe lift the EU Arms Embargo? I think not.
How can the European Parliament’s Resolution on democratisation and the respect for Human Rights in China be implemented?
In this respect, the question of the participation and representation of the democratic State of Taiwan at the UN remains unresolved. It represents the unjust exclusion of Taiwan’s governmental agencies, civil society organisations, as well as individuals, from the activities of the UN and its related bodies, de facto depriving the people of Taiwan of their fundamental right to benefit from and contribute to the duties of the UN.
Considering the important role played by Taiwan in several international organisations, notably the World Trade Organisation (WTO), the Asian Development Bank (ADB), and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), as well as its full diplomatic relations with 23 UN Member States, including 120 embassies, general consulates and representative offices worldwide, Taiwan’s efficiency, democratic ideals and dynamism should be beyond question.
Taiwan’s long-standing commitment to the UN principles, the UN Charter, international law and their substantial cooperation within the International Community as a responsible global citizen, warrants substantial consideration by all UN Member States.
UNPO considers the time ripe to call for justice and equal rights, and to end the conventio ad exludendum of Taiwan and its people from the United Nations.
Finally, and in closing, let me also once again express my gratitude to the Right Honourable Ken-Marti Vaher, former minister of Justice of Estonia, and present here today to remind us all of that UNPO was born as an idea in Estonia in the summer of 1990.
The Cold War still raged on, the Soviet Empire had not yet collapsed.This was a different, older world, another millennium.
We stand here today, ready to launch a new UNPO, able and ready to face the challenges of the new world order that has yet to come.
And if our spirits are right, and our courage firm, the new world will be with us.
(Mr. Marino Busdachin: appointed as Executive Director in 2003, unanimously elected as UNPO General Secretary in 2005, served as UN representative in Geneva, New York and Vienna 1995-2000, member of the Extra-ordinary Executive Board of the Transnational Radical Party 2000-2002, currently a member of the General Council of TRP. founded the NGO “Non c’e’ Pace Senza Giustizia” in Italy 1994-1999, as well as founding and serving as President of No Peace Without Justice USA 1995-2000, campaigned for the establishment of the International Criminal Court, represented Civil Society at the Rome Conference founding ICC. Worked to establish the ad hoc tribunals on war crimes in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda and campaign on the death penalty in the United Nations from USA in 1993, led the TRP to recognition by the UN as an NGO of the first category, led and coordinated the TRP in the former Yugoslavia 1991-1993 and in the Soviet Union 1989-1993, campaigned for civil rights in Italy in the 1980s, elected in 1974 as a member of the Federal Council of the Radical Party, between 1978-1982 elected member of the City Council of Trieste, where he attended Law University ) .